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CoPYmiGHT,. 191 3 




• • « 
• * 

« t 

1i;be *nlclretbocfcer pfctm flcf^ »«* 


THIS work was undertaken under the generous 
inspiration of Professor and Mrs. C. W. Wallace, 
whose accomplishments in Shakespearean research seem, 
to their co-workers, little less than marvelous. Through 
them came the impetus to work over the store of 
already examined material in the British Museum, 
together with some of the millions of unsearched docu- 
ments in the Public Record Office and elsewhere. Very 
interesting it is to come upon the handwriting of Eliza- 
beth, James I, and other members of royalty, nobility, 
ambassadors, etc., found in letters and other documents. 
To lay hands, among these documents, on tangible 
things for specific helpfulness in particular plays is, 
however, not easy. 

The masque is the form of Ehzabethan dramatic 
hterature upon which external influences had most 
apparent effect. Although masques were given in 
private, they were the most public literary productions 
of their time, because they were the form of literature 
most closely associated with the pubhc acts of royalty 
and of men who were in the popular eye. The political, 
social, industrial, and religious conditions influencing 
masques, and influenced in turn by them, offer a large 
field for investigation, and deserve no less than very 
extended treatment. It seemed well, then, to limit the 
present work to a consideration of those masques pro- 
duced at the Court of King James, under influences 
connected with international questions. 


Research for material upon such masques opened up 
new avenues of investigation. New documents, yet 
unpublished, were found, involving Shakespeare and his 
company with the Royal Masquers, the nobility, and 
foreign ambassadors. Though no genuine scholar 
to-day gives serious heed to the old cry which held 
actors to be of low estimate or morals, in the time of 
Elizabeth and James I, nevertheless few realise how 
false was such a charge, or what essential instruments of 
state actors and producers of literature really were. 
Few, therefore, evaluate correctly the position occupied 
by "The King's Players," "Grooms of the King's 
Chamber," and teachers and assistants to royalty, in 
presenting masques. Of interest also are stage plans, 
of Inigo Jones and other architects, for masques and 
plays presented in the Court, arrangements of Court 
halls, seating of audiences, etc. All these things shed 
at least a tiny ray of light upon the comparative dark- 
ness which surrounds the Shakespearean stage. Consid- 
eration of all these questions is under way, but many 
of them, though interesting and tempting, are excluded 
from the present discussion, for want of room, and 
because they are extraneous to the main purpose of the 
present investigation. 

As far as possible, the original documents have been 
allowed to tell their own story; therefore many have 
been admitted into the text as weU as into the notes, 
A studied attempt has been made to keep these repro- 
duced documents as nearly like the originals as modem 
printing and the condition of the documents themselves 
will permit. Where the originals are torn, or partly 
destroyed, bracketed matter supplies conjecturally 
what was .lost. Aside from this no intentional 
change has been made in spelling, abbreviation, etc. A 


bibliography of the original documents, which justify 
practically all the decisions of the present chapters, 
seems unnecessary since the documents themselves are 
included in the notes, with all the data necessary for 
finding them. 

Acknowledgments are due to investigators of the 
masque, already in the field, particularly to M. Paul 
Reyher, Dr. A. Soergel, Dr. Rudolf Brotanek, and more 
especially to Dr. Albert Feuillerat for courtesies for 
which the author is very grateful. The ever ready 
helpfulness of those in charge in the British Museum, 
in the Public Record Office, and in offices of State, 
especially those in the offices of the Duke of Connaught, 
have made investigation not only easy but pleasant. 
The author wishes to express her gratitude to Superin- 
tendent Davidson formerly of Omaha and to Superin- 
tendent Graff whose influences secured a generous leave 
of absence; to Dr. Louise Pound and Dr. Jones, both of 
the University of Nebraska, for favours given not only 
on the present occasion but in the past. The assistance 
of Professor and Mrs. C. W. Wallace, and the continued 
patience and inspiration of Dean L, A. Sherman, are of 
such quality and character as to forbid any adequate 
expression of appreciation. 

fc • 

Court Masques of James I; 

» r ^ 



IT has been too much the custom for scholars of liter- 
ature and history to treat these subjects as if they 
had no relation to each other. Those who gave most 
encouragement and assistance to the producers of liter- 
ature, at least in the time of Shakespeare, were the 
chief social and poUtical figures of the age,' In many 
cases, perhaps in most cases, their interest in literature 
had its inception in, was actuated by and involved with 
their political interest. But there is one species of 
literature of which this is especially true. 

Those who have written on the masque have ob- 
served that an understanding and appreciation of this 
species of literature, more than of all others, depends 
upon a knowledge of the occasion upon or for which it 
was produced. ^ Yet no one has collected the materials 

» See infra^ passim, King James's encouragement of masques, etc. 

» **In a word every masque is in its nature what the French call a 
pUce d* occasion; and no such piece can be thoroughly appreciated apart 
from the occasion itself." A. W. Ward, English Dramatic Literature 
(1899), ii, 389- 

"Car une 6tude sur le 'masque' en soi, isol6 du milieu social, de la 


2 Court Masques of James I 

which enable us to know these occasions. Consequently 
the high favour and in"tportance of the masque at Court 
has been erroneously attributed to such merely subsid- 
iary causes as a love of splendour, " gratification of aris- 
tocratic exctosiveness, " the adulation of royalty, etc.' 
Th6,real "occasion for the production of all the great- 
e^.maSques of the Jacobean Court lies as deep as the 
■■{iVSihess of State. ^ When foreign ambassadors at the 
English Court officially insisted that a masque was a. 
public action wherein one nation could not be favoured 
more than another without manifest testimony of bad 
faith to the nation neglected ^ ; that a masque was a pub- 

literature, du drame, de I'a 
et presque d'un non-sens." 

t de r^poque, me fait I'efiet d'un contre-sena 
Paul Reyher, Les Masques Anglais (1909)^ 

■ "But the favour so widely extended to this kind of entertainments 
in the Jacobean age was chiefly due to other causes. These must be 
sought in the love of an elaborate and in a sense refined splendour which 
was characteristic of the times, and in the signal advance noticeable in 
them to the decorative arts, whose foremost representative, Injgo Jones, 
was fiifted with a genius of rare versatility and force. In addition the 
; under which the masques were ordinarily produced 
i that aristocratic exclusiveness, which sets the stamp upon 
fashionable success; while these entertainments furnished the great 
nobles and ministers, and other pillars and pilasters of the throne, with 
constant opportunities for extravagant adulation of a sovereign beyond 
the top of whose bent to this respect it was not easy to soar." A. W. 
Ward, English Dramatic LiUrature (1899), ii, 390. 

"Jacob I liebte Schaugeprange und wurde darin von seiner Gemah- 
lin uberboten, die gerade den Maskenspielen ihre Gunst gewShrte, 
weil sie nie in der Englischen Sprache heimisch war, imd ihnen dea 
Stempel eines kfinighchen Vergnugens aufdruckta indem sie die 
K6nigin war, die selbst wirkend in ihnen auftrat, Der KQnig aber war 
nicht allein prunldiebend, er war such gelehrt, eine Eigenschaft, die 
ebeii so nothwendig war wje jene, um die Maske vollstSndig 
sen und zu verstehen." Alfred Soergel, Die Englischen Maskempiete, 
Halle Dissertations, 1882. 

= See infra, passim, the occasion given for each of the Twelfthnight 
. Cf. i,> 

Court Masques 1603- 1608 

lie spectacle and solemnity which would be seen by ten 
thousand persons who wotild publish to all Christendom 
the diplomatic significance of the Court's least action 
during its perf onnance ' ; when masques were held in one 
country to counteract or influence the diplomatic impor- 
tance of a masque given in another'; when King James 
himself insisted that a masque was a diplomatic fimc- 
tion, used to prove to a continental sovereign England's 
affection for him^ ; when prime ministers announced that 
deportment at a masque had a large influence in shaping 
a treaty of peace/ it seems time to examine such 
masques in connection with the historic conditions 
with which they were associated, for the effect of the 
diplomatic bearing upon the literature of the masque 
and of other dramatic forms. 

In a monarchy so personal as that of England under 
James, ^ everything done by the monarch or by any of 
his family had a diplomatic as well as a social bearing, 
and in the case of the masque the diplomatic, under 
cover of the social, seems to have been of greatest 
significance. To know this significance, one must dis- 
cover, with accurate historic detail, the diplomatic 
relations of the countries concerned. 

When Elizabeth died, England, with the assistance of 
France, was making war upon Spain. James's succes- 
sion was no sooner announced, than all Eiu-ope made 
especial effort to discover and influence the pohcy of 

' Cf. infra. 38. ' Cf. infra, 52. ' a. infra. 56. * Cf. infra, 58^ 
• "Conceit of his office led James into thinking that nations have 
naught to do with high mysteries of State, which should be left to moa- 
aichs alone . . . the world was to be stilled by the marriage of a boy and 
a giri [Prince Charies, later Charies I of England, and the Infanta of 
Spain] and Emperor and Pope were to confine themselves within the 
bounds traced by the King of England." F. C. Montague, History of 
England (1907), 116. 



4 Court Masques of James I 1 

the new administration. Prance and Spain, the twO' 
coiintries most concerned, were particularly active. 
Ambassadors vied with each other in giving rich and 
costly gifts to lords and ladies generally, ' to the King's 
friends and advisers, to the royal family, and even to 
the King himself with the hope of gaining desired ends. • 
For like purposes they also gave elaborate dinners,* 
plays,' and other entertainments to those of higlj, 

According to their own declaration, the efforts of 
France and Spain were part of a diplomatic struggle for 
the favour of the new King, " through whose assistance 
each hoped to establish its own state supremacy in 
Continental Europe. The gifts, dinners, plays, etc., 
were but preliminary skirmishes, for England's open 
recognition, for which each was playing. If this open 
recognition could be secured in no other way, King 
James's choice of ambassadors for social favours would 
proclaim it in due time. The masques of the Christmas 
season were the Court's greatest social functions. * To 
these, then, representatives of European powers looked 
for the announcement of England's attitude toward th.e 

' See Appendix i. ' See Appendix 2. 

' "The Spanish Ambassador invited Madame Beaumont, the French 
Ambassador's Lady to dinner, requesting her to bring some English 
Ladies with her, she brought my Lady Bedford, Lady Rich, Lady 
Susan (Vere), Lady Dorothy with her and great cheer they had. 
fortnight after, he invited the Duke |of Lenox], the Earl of Mar and 
divers of that nation [Scotch), requesting them to bring the Scotch! 
Ladies, for he was desirous to see some natural beauties. My Lady 
Anne Hay and my cousin Drumraond went and after the weare 
sented, first with two pairs of Spanish gloves apiece — and after, my 
Drummond had a diamond ring of the value of two hundred 
given her and my Lady Anne a gold chain of links twice about 
her neck sent her." Lady Arabella Stuart to Shrewsbury, 8 Dec, 160.1 

John Nichols, Progresses of James I, iv, 1060-1. 

ifra, r, 26. ' See Appendix, 2. » See infra. S'. 


Court Masques 1603-1608 

belligerents, as indicated through James's choice of 
ambassadors for first favours at the masques. 

In the distribution of its social favours, the Court 
distinguished between countries of differing importance. 
In theory, an ambassador took the place of the King 
whom he represented, and therefore European sover- 
eigns expected for their ambassadors the same social 
attentions which they should themselves claim, were 
they to visit the English Cotirt. ' 

When an ambassador of first rank was to be enter- 
tained at a masque, the King's coach, with the master 
of ceremonies or some person of note, was sent to escort 
him from his place of residence to the palace.' On 
arriving at the palace, he was assigned elaborate quar- 
ters until he should be taken to the dinner which pre- 
ceded the masque.^ He was given a place at table 
according to the rank of his sovereign.^ After dinner 
he was "brought to retire himself" in elegant comfort.^ 
Shortly after the banquet, when the masque was in 
readiness, he was conducted either to the King's apart- 
ments or to some other convenient place of waiting, 
whence the King took him to the hall, * where the 
masquers and audience had for some time been awaiting 
the royal entry. Lesser ambassadors, if any were 
invited, were also in the regal procession. Their re- 
spective positions about the King as they entered the 
hall announced to the assembly England's interpreta- 
tion of the importance of each country represented.^ 
All were seated according to rank,* and since, of course, 
there could be no two positions of equal pretensions, no 
ambassadors of equal importance could be invited 

■ See Appendii, 5 f . Cf. also 22 f. 

' See infra. 22 f ; also Appendix 33 f, 

infra, 22 f; 'See infra, zj; also 27'. ' 

' See infra, aa f. 

1, 22 f. s See 

' See infra, 24. 

6 Court Masques of James I 

together. ' To this circumstance, chiefly, we owe some 
of the best information we have concerning the masque. 

During the performance, attentions to ambassadors 
from the King and members of the royal family varied 
according to the honour England wished to pay the 
country of each.' If the masque was given to show 
especial favour to some country, the King consumed 
the time of the entertainment in talking with the 
ambassador and showing him, before all the court, 
and other ambassadors, the most marked attention. ' 
The Queen "took him out"' for the dance at the close 
of the masque. If his wife or members of his family 
or prominent friends were present, they were treated 
to especial notice by the Queen and Princes during the 
intervals of the masque and invited to dance with the 
royal masquers at the close. ^ After the masque, if the 
occasion was of exceeding importance, the ambassador 
was feasted alone with the King at the King's own 
table. * If not, he was accompanied by the King to the 
great banquet, which usually closed the evening's enter- 
taiimient, and shown all honour during the feast.' 

Such was the distinction given an ambassador of the 
first rank. Representatives of countries of lesser impor- 

' ' ' The like dilpute was betwixt the French and y' Spanish AmbaTsa- ! 
dors and hard hold for y" greatest honor, w"^!" y' Spaniard thincks ho 1 
hath caried away by being first feasted (as he was y° first holy-day and 
y' Polack y* next) and inuited to the greatest mafke: and y* French 
feems to be greatly difconcerted that he was flatly refuted to he admit- 
ted to the laft about w^J" he vfed vnmannerly expostulaSis w'.^" 
Kiandforafewdays troubled all the court, but the Q: was f aine to take 
the matter vppon her who as a mafquer had inuited y* Spaniard as 
Duke before had done y* French, and to haue them both there could 
not well be w'!" owt blud-fhed." Letter from Carleton to Chamber- 
lain, 15 Jaj!., 1603, in Slate Papers Domestic, James I, vi. No. 21. 

' Secinfra, passim. J Seetn/rn, 56. < See in/ra, 15 and 57. 

sSeein/ra, 57. ' Seeinfra,t6. 'See infra, Chap. IV. 

Court Masques 1603-1608 7 

,ce were shown varying degrees of attention. A 
lere "agent" was permitted to find his own way, as 
!t he could, to the palace. He was seated by order 
the master of ceremonies, in the hall, where with 
;her spectators he interested himself in the surround- 
ings, until the coming of the King. ' His presence was 
absolutely ignored by all members of the royal family 
and he was allowed to depart as he came. 

Questions of precedence became at times matter 
for serious concern at the barriers, dinners,' and other 
entertainments. But if we trust the word of the French 
ambassador, no entertainment ever assumed such im- 
portance as a masque, ' 

Frequently the date of a masque or some other cir- 
;tance gave it unwonted importance.* Any in- 
iased importance always increased the rivalry for 
invitation, for the greater the importance, the greater 
the honour of invitation. From very early times, it 
had been the custom of the court to do special honotir 
to ambassadors from Continental powers by entertain- 
ing them with masques (or the varied form of enter- 
tainments, called mumraings, disguisings, etc., which 
needed masques proper), especially at the Christmas 


, Chap. III. 

- See infra. 79 =■ 

' See infra, 8 ', * See infra. Appendix 5 i. 

5 "In thisyere [1401) was here the Emperor of Constantinople and the 
Ryog hdde his Christenmasse at Eltham, and men of London made a 
gret mummyng to him of XII Aldermen & here sones, for which they 
had gret thanke." J. P. CoUier, The History of Dramatic Poetry and 
Annals of the Stage (1879), i, 26, from British Museum, Harleian MSS., 
No. 565- 

"On the XII''' day" (he says, speaking of the year 1489) " thearabassa- 
touis of Spayne dyned at the Kyngs horde, and the ofBcers of armez 
_had ther largess as they were accustomed."— ^J. P. Collier, v.s., i, 58, from 
Irittsh Museum, Colloa MSS., Julius. B., icii. 



8 Court Masques of James I 

The greatest masquing night of all the year was 
Twelfthnight, Epiphany, or the Feast of the Three 
Kings as it was variously called. ' This feast with its 
masque held the place of greatest honour in all the 
public court functions of the year. ' Ranking next in 
importance, came the masques of Shrovetide {usually 
Shrove Tuesday, sometimes Shrove Sunday) and 
Candlemas, These were the big masquing dates 
around which almost all the great Court masques of the 
reign of James centred. * The importance of the date, 

" Trustye and welbeloued we grete you well, whereas the right excel- 
lent Prince King Henry vij'*' oure matt natural! and iovinge father whofe 
foul god pardon by his late Tres comanded oure trulty 
a warrant for ^^^ welbeloued S" Andrew Windefere Knighte kep of 
mo henry viij ^"^^ greate wardrobe to repaire vnto his grace for certen 
money to be Delyuered vnto him for certayne Pagents 
and garments and other things for difguyling and Revells to be made 
agaynft the comyng vnto his higlmes of thambaffadors oute of 
flannders w'^ as yet is not contented to the faide S^ Andrew," etc 
Public Record Office, Lord Chamberlain's Department, Class 5, Mis- 
cellaneous, No. Ixxxvi, 39. 

' " Nay, if one would argumentize thereupon it might be alledged that 
the laft day fhould be taken for the greateft day, as it is uuderttood in 
many other cafes, and particularly upon the FeftivaUs of Christmas 
wherein Twelfe day or the Feftivall of the three kings which is the laft 
is taken for the greateft day: and in many places Tuesday is taken for 
the chiefeft day of Shrovetide; wherefore the Mask at Court, compoa'd 
for that day as being the greateft of all the FeftivaUs. ' ' Translation of ,a 
French letter from James I to the Ambassador of the Arch- Duke as it is 
found in John Finett, Finetti PkUoxenis, 8. 

' "jour des festes de NoSl selon la facon d'ang? et le plus honnorable 

tout pour la ceremonie qui t'y obserue de tout temps publiqueraeat. " 

Beaumont to Henry IV, J3 [O. S. 3I Jan., i6o[3]4, in British Museum, 

King's MSS,, cxxiv, f. 675. ' See lists of masques in: ' 

F. G. Fleay, Chronicle History oj Ike London Stage, (1890), i;9-S3, 

Paul Reyher, Les Masques Anglais (1909), 519. 
Rudolf Brotanek, Die Englischen Maskeasptele (1902), 342. 
A. £. Evans, English Masques, Is. 



Court Masques 1603- 1608 

however, was at rare intervals relegated to second place 
by some circumstance or occasion of the masque itself, ' 

The preliminary facts above stated enable us better 
to understand all masques. They give us a means of 
interpreting many of the references in masques and of 
explaining the attitude at masquing entertainments 
toward ambassadors resident at the English Court. 

The first Christmas season in the reign of King 
James, 1603-4, ^^^ a holiday season of unusual mag- 
nificence. Thirty plays' and three masques, besides 
dinners and other forms of amusement, provided enter- 
tainment for the ambassadors. ' But Twelfthnight was 
given unusual prominence this year from the fact that 
the masque was to be "danced" by the new Queen and 
the ladies in highest favour about her.' Moreover it 
was whispered about the Court that the Queen was 
••"merely Spanish"' and it was common knowledge, as 

■'-Seeiw/'o, 14- 

B^ ■ ThoTigh plays were frequently given in the Court and many of them 
of great interest and note, in no case do they seem to have assumed the 
social or political importance or the magnificent spectacular effect of a 
masque. Whether this is due to the professional character of the one 
and to the presence of royal and noble amateurs in the other is yet a 
matter for speculation. 

J "The court is like to Christmas at Windsor and many playa and 
shows are bespoken to give entertainment to our ambassadors." 
EJudley Carleton to John Chamberlain 27 Nov., 1603, O. S., in John 
Nichols, The Progresses of King James ike First (i8s8), iv. 1059-60. 

"Other stuff I can send you none from this place where now we are to 
feast seven ambassadors; Spain, France, Poland, Florence and Savoy 
besides masks and much more." Cecil to Shrewsbury 23 Dec^ '6o3. 
O. S.,mEdmxmdl.odge, lUustralions of British History liS38),m, 83. 

< Gifford, whose errors are too numerous to be given space here, has 
overlooked this masque and placed Queen Aone's first entertainment in 
the coming year. See The Works of Ben Sanson, notes and memoirs 
by William Gifford, edited by Fraaces Cunningham (1903), iii, 2. 

• "Let rne tell you in your ear without offence, file [the QueenJ is 

prely Spanish." Levinus Muncke to Mr. Winwood zg October, 1605, 


10 Court Masques of James I 

certain correspondence' and the sequel of this masque" 
show, that she was well disposed toward the represen- 
tative of "His Catholic Majesty."^ The diplomatic 
problem for solution concerned the disposition of the 
Low Countries, If it seems strange that the solution 
of so serious an international problem should hinge 
upon an affair of such seeming trivialness as a masque, 
one needs only to remember England's unwillingness 
under Elizabeth and James to declare her poHcy and 
the instabUity of any Continental combination which 
ignored her existence or disregarded her wishes. 

During the last years of Ehzabeth's reign, when 
England was waging war upon Spain, there was, 
of course, no ambassador at the English Court to 
dispute the French claims to the honours of Twelfth- 
night. Should England, under the new adminis- 
tration, continue Twelfthnight honours to Frajice, 
Continentals, in their jealous efforts to ascertain the 
new King's attitude, would seize upon the event as 
an indication of policy. Such friendliness would be 
interpreted to mean a continuance of England's 
hostile alliance with France and the Low Countries 
against Spain. If Spain won first place at the Queen's 
masque, prepared for Twelfthnight, it would indicate 
that the Low Coimtries must seek new allies, in new 
Continental combinations, and European leagues must 
change. Masques of other dates were important; but 
they served rather as a means to entertain those who 

O. S., in Sir Ralph Winwood, Memorials of the Affairs of Stale in the 
Reigns of Q. Elizabeth and K. James I. (1725), ii, 155. 

' See infra. Appendix 23. " See ihid, 

• It is commonly known that though several of the European sov- 
ereigns were Catholics, the King of Spain was usually referred to in the 
s of the time as "His Catholic Majesty," while the King of 
iwnas "His most Christian Majesty." 


Court Masques 1603- 1608 

could not be entertained at the great .annual Twelfth- 
night masque. ' 

Invitations to the masques were secured through 
the solicitations of the ambassadors themselves." 
For the great event of the Queen's masque on Twelfth- 
night, 1603-4, there was sharp rivalry between Beau- 
mont the French Ambassador and Juan de Tassis the 
Ambassador from Spain. The preliminary skirmishes 
have been already suggested. ^ James's ministers 
found difficulty in attempting to manage the invita- 
tions without committing the King to the cause of 
either. ■* Three masques, as we have seen, ^^ were in 
process of preparation. A Masque of the Knights of 
India and China, to be given by the Duke of Hoist, was 
planned for the night of January first. The Vision of 
the Twelve Goddesses, prepared especially for the Queen 
by Samuel Daniel, was appointed for Twelfthnight. 
For the third, I am unable to find a date determined 
upon in the preparations, but a masque of Scots was 
given to mollify France as we shall see. * 

Beaumont was made the guest of honour at the 
Masque of the Knights of India and China, which was 
especially prepared for him. He had good reason to 
feel as he watched the "mafke brought in by a magicien 
from China" and heard the eulogy of England^ that 
he was doing all he could both publicly and "vnder- 
hand to diueste vs [English] from maldnge Pease w'? 
I y-.'Spaine. "^ 

i/ro, 32 f. " See Appendix"4 el passim. ' Supra, 4. 

This was probably in the hands of Salisbury, assisted by tile Council, 
See t«/ra, 39'. ' Supra,!). 'Infra, 14. 'Soe Appendix, 3. 

' "All the embassadors were feasted at Cotirte this XJ^mas first 
the Spanish and Sauoyan a the french and fiorentine 3 the Poloman and 
Venetian and all highly pleased but the french who is malecontent to 
see the Spaniard fo kyndly vsed and it is plainly perceaued that he and 

1 /;■«>*« 



Court Masques of James I 

If some of his contemporaries are to be believed, his 
eyes opened wide with surprise when King James took 
advantage of the big function to advertise his own 
wealth and popularity to the French King by having 
one of the masquers present him with a pretended gift — 
a "Jewell of £40,000 value" {between $200,000 and 
$300,000 of cur money to-day) which James had already 
purchased. ' 

Beaumont saw the byplay with the "colt of Bu- 
fephalus race"^ and expressed his appreciation of the 
magnificent spectacle produced as the gold-embroidered, 
crimson satin robes of the masquers' blended with the 
elegant costimies of the Queen ^ and her ladies in 
the intricate steps of the dance. But the Spaniard, 
who was not invited to this first masque, was planning 
surprises for him, of deeper significance than those the 
Chinese magician had so elaborately prepared. 

That the French Ambassador got some clue concern- 
ing the natiH'e of one of those surprises, is indicated in 
his answer to an invitation to dtne at the Court on the 
following Sunday night, January eighth. ^ This dinner, 
designed to give especial satisfaction to France, was to 
take place in the exclusive privacy of the King's own 
chamber, no other guest to share the privilege. But 

the fiorentine and in some sort the Venetian labour all they can Vnder- 
hand to diueate vs from maiinge Pease w'? Spaine." Calendared as 
letter from Ortelio Renzo to Geo. Ant. Frederico, 31 Jan., in Stale 
Papers Domestic James I, vi, No. 37. 

' See Appendix 4. ■ Appendix 3. ' ibid. 

' "Theyr attire was rich but fomewhat too heavy and cumberfome 
for dancers w"? putt them befides ther galliardes. They had loofe 1 
robes of crimfcn tattin embrodered -vr^ gold and bordered w'!" brood 
filuer laces, dublets and bafes of cloth of Tiluer; bufkins fwordis and 
hatts alike and in theyr hats ech of them an Indian bird for a fether 
m'? fome Jewells." Letter from Carleton to Chamberlain, 15 Jan., 
1603, in State Papers Domestic James I, (1604), No. 21. ^Appendix 4, 


Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 13 


■ 1 



Beaumont says he deferred accepting the dinner until 
he could satisfy himself concerning a matter which 
held him in suspense. So he sent word to King James 
that he saw the artifice of some of the Court, who 
thought by inviting him to the first masque to reserve 
for the badly founded claims of Spain the greater priv- 
ileges of Twelfthnight — the night always selected for 
the greatest of all the public ceremonies of the Court 
of England. He remonstrated against the injiuy done 
to the King of France, if Spain should be accorded an 
honour which would proclaim for that country a pre- 
eminence, heretofore the tmdisputed right of France.' 
The English King answered that the French pre- 
eminence was imdisputed. But, in this case, James 
pleaded, he was in trouble, since the Queen, his wife, 
greatly desired the Spanish Ambassador's presence at 
iier masque. " 

This threw the burden of responsibility upon the 
;een, with whom, as weU as with the King and 
prominent members of the nobility, there were fre- 
quent meetings and long consultations. 

The stormy protests of the Frenchman brought 
finally a proposal for a compromise in which Beaumont 
was advised that both men might appear as private 
idividuals, if they chose. Angered at this evidence of 
Lccessful artifice in behalf of Spain, and by conviction 
his own defeat, Beaumont sent word to King James 

'"Que jamais les ambassadeur d'espagne navoient diaputfi lapre- 
mmence cootre couk de France. " Ibid. 

■ "Aquoy il me repondit que quant au point principal dela preemi- 
nence je ne fisse aucune jeune rencontrasse avec I'ambassad^ d'espagne 
en sa presence il meme donnast la main droitte. Que pour ce fait par- 
liculier dont je luy parloir il se trouvoit en peine d'autant que la Reine 
ne eut bien desirS que I'ambassadeur d'espagne se fut trouvfi 
a ton BaUet. " Ibid. 

Court Masques of James I 

that if the Spaniard presumed to appear with him to 
dispute his position at the masque, he would kill him 
at the King's feet at the risk of his own life.' 

Finally Beaumont was outwitted by a second artifice. 
He based his right to be present at the Queen's masque 
on the French daim to the exclusive privileges of 
Twelfthnight. After much consultation, following his 
insistent pretensions, the letter of the French demand 
was granted. The Queen's masque was postponed to 
January eighth and Beaumont was invited for Twelfth- 
night to a dinner, running at the ring, a play, a masque 
of Scots {to whom his instructions required him to 
profess attachment), and the ordinary refreshments of 
com£ts given there after.' The French Ambassador, 
feeling that it was imwise to make further protest, 
determined to conceal his chagrin by accepting the 
invitation and making the best of it. 

Juan de Tassis having been "solemnly invited"* for 
January eighth, attended the magnificent Masque of the 
Twelve Goddesses and sat under the canopy called the 
"State" at the right hand of the King. He received 

■ "Que neantmoins t'il etoit si outre cuidfi al'espagnol que derieu. 
pretendre en cette rencontre Sur ma place que je le tuerois a Ses pieds 
an hazard dema vie." Letter from M. Beautnont to the King of France, 
23 Jan., 1604, in King's MSS., cxxiv, f. 706. 

• "The twelfe-day the French Ambaf sador was feasted publikely; and 
at night there was & play in the Q! prefence w'? a maCquerado of 
certaine Scotchmen who came in w*? a tword not vnUlie a raatachin, 
and performed it clenly. " Carleton to Chamberlain in Slate Papers 
Domestic James I, 1604, No. 21. 

" Jeme resolu puisques aussibien le jourdela ceremonie me demourant 
libre jeue pouvois protester justement in pretendre detre jnjurfie. . , 

"et ainsy je mangeay avec luy, la Reine et Monsieur le Prince - 
de Galles courus la Bagne apres dinS assists tout le soir a vn Ballet 
d'ecossois et au festin de confitures, " Beaumont to French King, 
23 Jan., 1604, in King's MSS.. cxxiv, f. 706. 

C£., infra, 22 f. ' See Appendix lo. 


Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 15 

the most complimentary attentions from James. In 
the royal company he saw the "yong Prince" in the 
"gaUiardes and carantoes" "tost from hand to hand 
like a tennis bal. ' ' ' He applauded the masquers, 
chief among whom "PaUas {which was the person her 
Majesty chose to represent) was attired in a blue 
mantle, with a silver embroidery of all weapons and 
engines of war with a helmet dressing on her head."' 

He must have noted with the others all the splendour 
and all the scandal, all the good points and all the 
faults of her upon whom all eyes were turned, " Pallas, " 
who "had a trick by herfeh for her clothes were not so 
much below the knee but that we might fee a woman had 
both feete and legs w^?* I never knew before, fhe had 
a pair of btifkins fett w*?* rich ftones, a helmett full 
of Jewells, and her whole attire embofsed w'!" Jewells 
of feuerall fafhions. "^ 

At the close of the masque, he was "taken out"' by 
Lady Bedford, Queen Anne's greatest favourite, ^ to 

' "For gaUiardes and carantoes they went by difcretbn, and the 
yong Prince was tost from hand to hand like a. tennis bal. The La; 
Bedford and La: fuTan tooke owt the two ambafsadors; and they 
beftirred themfelfe very Uuely: fpeceally the Spaniard for the Spanish 
galliard Qiewed himfelf a lusty old reueller." Carleton to Chamber- 
lain. 15 January, 1603, in Stale Papers Domestic James 1, vi, No. 21. 

■ See The Vision of the Tivelne Goddesses, by Samuel Daniel, in H. A. 
Evans, English Masques (1B98), 4. 

'Letter from Carleton to Chamberlain, 15 January, 1603, in Stale 
Papers DomesUe James I, vi, No. 21. 

* "After this the maskers danced their own measures, which being 
ended, and they are ready to take out the Lords, the three graces sang, " 
Vision 0/ Twelve Goddesses, by Samuel Daniel, in H. A. Evans, English 
Masques (1898), 15. 

1"! hear of none she [Queen Anne] hath admitted to her Privy 
chamber or in place near her save the La: Bedford who was sworn of 
the Privy -chamber in Scotland." Letter from Carleton to Thoa. 
', 28 Jan., 1603, in John Nichols, Progresses, i, 190. 


Court Masques of James I 

whom the masque of the evening was dedicated.* 
There, as his beautiful red gown mingled with the sky- 
blue, ' the sea-green, ' and the other striking costtimes of 
the "Goddefses" "who did theyr parts, "^ he gave such 
satisfaction that the English Court, in which he had 
been the centre of attraction for the evening, pronounced 
him "a lusty old reveller,"^ In richness of costume, 
in the sympathies of the audience, and in gracefulness, 
the commendations of the crowd gave him second place 
only to "Pallas" who " of all for goode grace and goode 
footemanship^ — bare the beU away. "^ But she who 
"bare the bell away" did not think it beneath her to 
wear a scarf and a red belt ("banderolle") in honour of 
the Spanish Ambassador for whom Beaumont reports 
the whole ffite was given. Before the eyes of all the 
Court and of all the representatives of foreign nations, 
de Tassis thus advertised the good feeling between Spain 
and England. The King closed the entertainment by 
taking the Spaniard with him to a banquet at his own 
table in his private chamber contrary to a promise he 
had made the French on this point.* 

While de Tassis was so brilliantly advertising the 
success of the Spanish cause in the English Court, 
while politicians were speculating that "ye French 
feems to be greatly difcontented that he was flatly 
refufed to be admitted " ' to the Queen's masque, 

' See Vision of Twelve Goddesses. 
"See H. A. Evans, English Masques (i8g8), 3-5. 
' See Carletoa to Chamberlain, 15 Jan., l60i,mSlale Papers Domestic 
James I, vi, No. 31. 

* See Carletoii to Chamberlain, 15 January, 1603, in Stale Papen 
Domestic James I, vi, No. 21, supra 15'. 

* See ibid. ' See Appendk 6. 

> See Carleton to Chamberlain, 15 January, 1603, in Stale Papers 
Domestic James I, vi. No. 21. 

Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 17 

Beaumont was reporting every detail even to the 
matter of the red gown and the Spanish favours worn 
by the Queen, to the French Court, and asking for 
instructions as to his future procedure. ' His attitude 
toward the Christmas entertainment, including his 
threat against the Spaniard's life, was not the result of 
sudden temper or mere personal enmity as has been 
erroneously supposed. ' 

Ambassadors were mere figureheads through whom 
the intricate game of European politics was played. 
When invitations to the masques were issued to them, 
it was stipulated that these invitations had for their 
purpose the honoring of the kings their masters, ^ and 
when the ambassadors accepted such invitations it was 
in the name of their sovereigns.* These men were in 
perfect touch with the governments they represented 
and followed the minute Instructions sent them,^ or 
suffered the serious consequences of the slightest 
deviation. It was dangerous business to tamper with 

' See Appendix 5. 

•"The reception of ambassadors, however, who had hastened to 
congratulate the King on his acceffion was not unattended we shall 
find with those petty jealousies and continual bickerings in which 
representatives of foreign courts seem to have spent most of their 
time. " Ernest Law, in his edition of The Vision of the Twelve 
Goddesses (iSSo), Introduction, lo-ii. 

Cf. also supra, 2 '. ' See Appendix 5T et passim. 

* See infra, 79 et passim. ' See infra, 51 {.'. 

See the conduct of Boderie, successor to Beaumont, who sent couriers 
express to France for instructions concerning the masque of 1608, re- 
fusing to act in any detail on his own initiative. Boderie, Ambassades, 

iii. S-13. 

" je lui porterois tout le respect quil me seroit possible au nom de 
vfltre raajestii, maisque les Princes pouvoient te relascher a deschoses 
qtti m'estoient ni licites ni convenables a leurs ministers. " Beaumont 

Henry IV, 23 Jan., 1604 ia King's MSS., cxiv, f. 706. See also King's 
t. 695-6. 

i8 Court Masques of James I 

or blunder in the complicated international diiBculties 

of the time and at least one ambassador to the Knglish 
Court, during the reign of James I, narrowly escaped 
with his life for such an error. ' 

In the case just under discussion, the French Court 
was notified as early as October, 1603, of the coming 
event of the Queen's masque, then in process of pre- 
paration.' A long letter from Beaumont. 13 (O. S. 3) 
Jan. l6o(3)-4, warned Henry IV of the coming struggle 
over the invitations to the masque.' Again, some five 
days after the close of the Christmas entertainment, the 
French Ambassador reviewed the entire situation in 
letters, one to Henry IV and one to his Prime Minister, 
recounting all the events of the preceding week with 
their diplomatic bearing, and asking for an expression 
of the attitude of the French King and his Council 
toward his procedure.^ King Henry answered these 
inquiries on the second of February (22 Jan. O. S.), 
following, commending Beaumont for the manner in 
which he had represented him and had obeyed hij 
orders. ^ 

* See, CtUendar of State Papers Venetian, xiii, p. rivii, lii; xiv passiKt 
XV passim, tor the persecution of Antonio Foscarini (who had been An*-' 
bassador in England) unjustly charged with unfaithfulness to tin 
Venetian cause. His trial was held before the Councii of Ten and he wa< 
acquitted by a vote of eight to seven only. 

' See Kint's MSS. ^See King's MSS., CKsiv, f. 675. 

* King's MSS., cxsiv, f. 706. To the King. The letter to 
Villeroy, not quoted, contains nothing not included in the letter to tlft 
King except the request quoted below: "en toute verity commeotll 
fa Majesty et Mess" de son conseil auront approuvd ma procedure." 
King's MSS., acdv, f. 716. Beaumont to Villeroy, 23 [O. S. 13] Jafc 
l6o[3]-4]. i "Monsieur Beaumont: . . . 

Vous avez tres digncment et a mon contentement acrompK 
crmmdemen^ que je vous avois faits par raes preeedentes. " ~ 
Henry IV t . Heaumon , 2 Feb., 1604 [O. S., 22 Jan., 1603] in 
MSS., cxsiv., (. 727. Despite this commendation Boderie later 


Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 19 

Beaumont, though he tried to make the outlook as 
hopeful as he could, confessed himself and his country 
vanquished, outlined advices of changed policies to 
meet changed conditions, and received in exchange 
directions to placate Queen Anne (who had been found 
to be somewhat of a power in the new administration) 
to encourage her husband to bring restraint to bear 
upon her and also to impress upon her, ' if possible, the 
injury done to the reputation of her person and of the 
state by her favours to the Spanish Ambassador. ' 

The entire matter of the Christmas masques, 1603—4, 
as detailed in the preceding pages was concerned with 
the peace which Spain was attempting to make, ' and 
all the important powers of Europe were involved, ■• but 
the other Continental powers were so dependent upon 
France and Spain and so overshadowed by them that it 
is only occasionally that they are mentioned in the corre- 
spondence of the time, so far as it has been examined 
for the present treatment. ' For example the presence 
of the "Polack" Ambassador with the Spaniard at 
the Queen's masque is mentioned by Carleton without 
comment. * 

out that Beaumont erred diplomatically in accepting the invitation for 
the niasque of Jan. i, 1603-4. 

■ See Appendix 7. ' See Appendix 8 and 9. 

' Supra, 3, gs, 11' el passim. ' See Appendix 10. 

' The correspondence of the ambassadorsof lesser powers as Florence, 
Savoy, Denmark, Holland, the Netherlands the German states, 
Norway, Sweden, etc., must be carefully considered before the final 
, word can be said concerning the significance of their presence at English 
\ Court masques. Little of this correspondence has been accessible for 
f the present treatment. 

' "The fonday following [Jan. 8, 1604, N. S.] was the great day of the 

. Queen's masque at which was prefent the Spanish and Polack AmbaTaa- 

j dors w . their traynes and the most part of the Florentines and 

-,- Savoyards; but not fhe ambassadors themfelfs, who were in so strong 

competition for place and precedence that to displeafe nether it was 

20 Court Masques of James I 

In the case of the Queen's masque, the most import- 
ant minor quarrel concerned the respective rights of 
the ambassadors of Florence and Savoy. ' To avoid 
displeasing either by settling the "contention for prece- 
dence" between them it was thought best to invite 
neither, though their trains were admitted as spec- 
tators. ' 

The months following James's first Christmas in 
England brought small comfort to the French who saw 
the achievement of the Spanish wishes in the treaty of 
August i8, 1604. At the coming Christmas festivities, 
1604-5, however, the French hoped to retrieve some of 
the prestige lost during the first holidays, and the year- 
The season was to be opened by a court masque given 
in honour of the marriage of Sir Philip Herbert and 
Lady Susan Vere, on December 27, 1604.^ The p^efe^ 
ence of the English Court for one person rather than for 
another in the capacity of a private individual did not 
seriously concern the world. But preference for an am- 
bassador advertised friendly relations with the coiintill 

thought best to lett both alone." Carleton to Chamberlain, 15 Jlfl 
1603, O. S., in State Papers Domestic James I, vi, No. 21. 

' "The embassadors ot Sauoy and florenEe were heare at great CM 
tention for precedence and our tfing could not accomodate it or at lea 
would not, and by that occasion I suppose the Sauoyan made the le 
staye, beyii^e goen from hence about 16 dayes past or rather more. 
Letter of Ortellio Renzo, 31 Jan., 1603/4, 0. S. in Slate Papers Domeslk 
James I, vi. No. 37. ' Supra, 19', 

It was quite the customary thing to invite tiie followers ot H 
ambassador as mere spectators, even when the Ambassador was oof 
invited. They were given a place usually in "scaffolds" built for tier " 
accommodation above the King. Ordinarily they were admitted pro- ' 
miscuously for the occasion, butat times when feelingsof bitterness iM J 
high between countries, to avoid contention or open rupture, seps 
BcaHolds were erected or some division made to separate the cooHi 
gents. Ambassadors were thus enabled to get from their folIoweQJfl 
complete report of the evening's entertainment. ' See AppendiiiT 

Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 

he represented. To avoid expressing such preference, 
therefore, the King invited both the French and 
Spanish ambassadors to this first masque as private 
individuals. ' 

The invitation to Beaumont was accompanied by the 
explanation that the Spanish Ambassador was pleased 
to be present at this masque, and that therefore neither 
man could be invited in his official capacity. " Beau- 
mont found this invitation offensive because it sub- 
ordinated him to the Spaniard. Moreover he feared 
lest his acceptance of the invitation to the first masque 
might, as on the former occasion, prejudice his invita- 
tion to the Queen's masque again arranged for Twelfth- 
night. ' So he begged to be excused from attending, 
explaining to the King that he was so ill as to be unable 
to be out for a fortnight. As appears later, this illness 
was the common form of regret offered to excuse the 
absence of an ambassador from a masque where his 
presence would not coincide with his diplomatic plans. * 

The English social obligation to the two chief am- 
bassadors being removed by the pretended illness of the 
one and the acceptance of a private invitation by the 
other, the way was open for showing special favour to 
the ^''enetian Ambassador, who represented the power 
of next importance. ' He was invited to attend the 

' This ineaEt that they should come dressed in the costume of their 
countries, usually disguised (see infra, 35 el passim) to prevent any 
embarrassment by confusion of the individual and the ambassador. 
They sat among their trains and received no recognition from the 
Sovereign or from any member of his family. They were merely 
^ectators, not invited guests, for whose entertainment, no one assumed 
serious responsibility. '- ' Appendix 11. 

^See infra, 78', Appendix 51 et passim. See also Appendix i'. 

• The fight between France and Spain for Continental supremacy, 
later involving not only the Low Countries but Bohemia and the German 
states, made Venice a power of importance because of its location. The 


Court Masques of James I 


wedding dinner, the supper, and the masque. On 
the day appointed he was brought to the palace where 
he was received with gratifying attentions and seated 
in the place of honour, opposite the Prince at the bride's 
table. Although the King was evidently courting 
the good will of Venice in all this, an unfortunate cir- 
cumstance threatened for a time to thwart his purposes. 
This is so well told by the Venetian Ambassador in 
his official report to the Doge and Senate, that it seems 
well to give his version of it here just as it stands. 

The eve of the Epiphany, St. Stephen's day, old style, 
Sir Lewis Lewknor, the receiver of Ambassadors, visited 
me to tell me in his Majesty's name that the next day 
the marriage of Sir Philip Herbert (arber) Groom-of-the- 
Chamber and prime favourite of his Majesty would be 
celebrated at Court. Sir Philip is brother of the Earl of 
Pembroke, who is married to a niece of Secretary Cecil- 
The King invited me to be present and in the name of the 
couple begged me to honour their wedding. I replied that 
I felt highly flattered and would attend. I asked if any 
other ambassadors were to be invited; Sir Lewis replied 
that if they came at all it would be incognito, so as to avoid 
all quarrel about precedence. I asked if I was to dine at 
the King's table; he said that detail was not yet settled, 
but that when he came to fetch me next morning he would 
tell me. This he did, and Lnformed me that the King 
Queen would dine in their own private apartments, and I 
would sit at the bride and bridegroom's table along with the 
Prince of Wales and the Duke Of Holstein. I enquired is 
to the arrangement of the guests and Sir Lewis said tlw 
bride would take the head of the table, the Prince on ha 
right, I opposite and the Duke next to me; the rest of the 

state which succeeded in holding Venice in its power, or in having till 
cotintry as a friend, had an excellent gateway through which to attwti 
or support the inland territories. 

Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 

table would be filled with the Lords of Council and Court 
Officials and their wives. This seemed to me a position 
sufficiently honourable for your Serenity's ambassador, so 
I went to Court. After the service we took our places at 
table in the order explained. I coiild see that the Duke 
of Hoistein was rather put out. After the banquet was 
over, and very sumptuous it was, everyone retired to his 
own apartments till the servants had prepared the room for 
dancing till suppertime. But so great was the crowd that 
dancing was out of the question, and so everybody kept 
his room till supper. As suppertime approached someone 
said to me that the crush was so great that he feared they 
would not be able to serve it. Presently someone said that 
the bride had taken her place, but such was the confusion 
that many guests had left. While I was waiting for the 
Chamberlain to conduct me to table, as he had done in 
the morning, I heard that the bride and the Prince were 
seated and that the Duke had got my place. I had just 
sent one of my suite to see whether it was true, when Sir 
Lewis arrived in a passion, swearing that he would go and 
find out what the Chamberlain meant by neglecting to 
conduct me to table; at that moment the Chamberlain 
himself appeared and begged most earnestly to be pardoned, 
as the error was great, it was true, but it had happened 
through inadvertence, I replied that such errors were 
easily pardoned, but that I feared this was a ruse; and 
anyway in order to avoid being exposed to further mistakes, 
I intended to go home. He implored me to wait till he 
liad spoken to the King. I consented, but informed him 
positively that I would not attend the masquerade unless 
my place of the morning was secured for me. Meantime 
they served me supper in Cecil's rooms; and presently 
there came thither Sir (Roger) Aston, gentleman-in-waiting 
to the King, to beg me in his Majesty's name to excuse the 
occurrence and to believe that it was entirely due to the 
crowd and confusion, and to say that he was waiting for 
me in his own rooms to take me with him to the mas- 

Court Masques of James I 

querade. I replied that I thanked the King, but that I was 
waiting an answer from the Chamberlain as to certaii) 
questions I had addressed to him. The Chamberlain shortly 
after appeared and said the King was still waiting for 
me, and assured me that I should have my place. I accord- 
ingly went at once to the King's rooms which I found full 
of ladje.s and the Lords of the Council. They one and all 
begged me not to take in bad part what was the result of 
pure accident, as I should presently be convinced. At 
this moment their Majesties left their rooms; I bowed to 
them, and the King took me by the hand and walldag 
towards the hall, where the masque was prepared, he said 
that in such a confusion it was impossible to avoid some such 
accident but that I might rest assured that his intention 
was to do all honour to the representative of the Republic. 
I replied that the affection which the Republic bore to his 
person merited the regard he felt for her. With this we 
reached the hall of the masque: the Duke of Holstein 
walking in front uncovered. We entered a box by five or 
six steps ; in it were two chairs ; the King took one the Queen 
the other, a stool was prepared for me on the King's right, 
and another for the Duke on the Queen's left but he 
would not sit down; he preferred to stand uncovered, for 
the three hours the masque and ballo lasted. This has 
convinced me that the mistake was really an accident, or at 
least was not within the cognisance of his Majesty. If I 
had left the scene at once as I at first intended, I should not 
have discovered his Majesty's real feelings, nor demon- 
strated them to the whole court. London 12th January 
1604 [5].' 

This masque of the marriage of Sir Philip Herbert 
and Lady Susan Vere has not come down to us. The 
text, author, and title are still unknown, but Carleton 

' letter from Nicolo Molin b 
State Papers Venetian, x, 306. 

the Doge and Senate ia Calendar e 

Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 25 

tells his friend Chamberlain that the masquers were 
among the biggest men about the Court. 

Theyre conceit was a reprefentaon of Junoes temple at 
the lower end of the great hall, w*'.'' was vawted and within 
it the mafkers feated w'^ ftaves of lights about them, and it 
was no ill fhew. they were brought in by the fower Ceasons 
of the yeare and Hymeneus; w^ for fongs and f peaches 
was as goode as a play. Theyre apparel was rather costly 
then cumly; but theyr dancing fiJl of life and variety; 
onely Sr Tho : Germain had lead in his heales and fometimes 
forgott what he was doing. 

Carleton also notes the incident which Molin narrates 
in such detail. He says; 

The Venetian Amb; was there prefent, and was a wed- 
ding guest all the day; but one thing he tooke ill and not 
w'i'owt caufe that being brought after diner to the clofet 
to retire himself he was there forgotten and fuffered to 
walke owt his fupper w^."" he tooke afterwards privately 
in my Lf of Cranboms chamber.' 

The Spanish Ambassador was not of course, present 
at the dinner or supper, but attended the masque 
privately as invited "and fate among his men dis- 

On the Thursday following, "the Spaniard made a 

■ Carleton to Chamberlain, 7 January, i604-[5] in State Papers 
Domestic James I, xii, No. 6. 

'"The Spanish Amb. was there likewife but difgnifed. " Carleton 
to Chamberlain, 7 Jan. ,1604-15], O.S., in Slate Papers Domestic James t , 

"He [Spanish Ambassador] was privately at the first mask and fate 
among his men disguiled. " Carleton to Winwood, Jan., i604-[5] 
(no day given) in Sir Ralph Winwood, Memorials of Elisabeth and Ki-Kg 
James I, (1725), ii, 44. 

For the custom of wearing masks by people who wished to attend a 
public function in a private capacity cf. infra. 

Court Masques of James I 

folemne diner to the D: of Hoist and the greatest part 
of the Court. The Ladies he presented w'^ fans and 
gloves, and ended his entertainment w'? a play and a 

The Masque of Blackness, written under the Queen's 
direction by Ben Jonson' followed on Twelfthnight. * 
Though Beaumont and hts country made every attempt 
to secure the coveted invitation to this masque, the 
Court seems to have intended to follow the same plans 
as in the case of the marriage masque and to invite the 
ambassadors to come "as private men to a private 
sport. "< It will be remembered that in the preceding 
year the Court yielded to the French claim to Twelfth- 
night privileges without granting the spirit of the 
claim, s Beaimiont had no instructions to forego the 
claim or to admit equality with the Spanish Ambassador 
by going to the present masque in the same rank with 
him. He had, however, previously given out the story 

■ Carleton to Chamberlain, 7 January, i6o4-[5] O. S., in State Papers 
Domestic James I, zii. No. 6. For the probable significance of this 
cf. SMfra,3-8. 

' See Ben Jonson, Works, notes and memoirs by Wm. GifEord, edited 
by F. Cunningham (1903), iii, 3. 

5 See Calendar of StaU Pa.pers Venetian, x. 212. 

" "At night ne had the Queen's maske in the BanquettingHoufe . . , 
The Spanish and Venetian Ambaffadors were both present and (ate 
by the King in ftate; at which Monfieur Beaumont quarrels fo extremely 
that he taith the whole court is Spanish: But by his favour he should 
fall out with none but himself for they were all indifferently invited to 
come aa private men to a private sport; which he refufiag the Spanish 
Ambaffador willingly accepted and being there, feeing no cause to the 
contrary he put of! Don Taxis and took upon him El SeXor Embaxadow 
wherein he outftript our little monfieur." Carleton to Winwc»d, 
January, i5o4-[5l, m Ralph Winmood, Memorials, ii, 44. 

I Se^supra, 14, also 14*. 


Queen Anne the Chief Masquer 27 

of his " illness ' ' ' and had failed to announce his recovery. 
This circinnstance removed the question of precedence 
and enabled de Tassis through "vigorous represen- 
tations at Court to secure for himself" the coveted 

Not until January sixth, the day of the masque were 
the invitations issued. " It was then too late for 
Beaiimont to correct his blunder. Conscious of his 
own mistake and angry that the Spaniard had profited 
by it, he abused the Master of Ceremonies, sent from 
the King on behalf of his Majesty to "enquire how the 
Ambassador was, and to say how much his Majesty, 
regretted " that the ambassador's illness prevented 
him "from attending the Queen's masque. "^ 

Whether the King was really imposed upon by his 
cers in securing the invitation for Spain, as was 
alleged^ or whether he was glad of the excuse to show 
favours to Spain, is not certain. The Spanish Ambas- 
sador was not only invited "to go publicly"^ to The 
Masque of Blackness and permitted to hear the praises 
of "Britania"' in all his ambassadorial glory at the right 
hand of " Albion "^ (James 1} under the state, but when 
the "azure and silver"* clad, masquers, "danced with 
their men several measures and corantos"' "he was 

I taken out to dance and footed it like a luf ty old gallant 
' 'Seem^ ' SupTa,36'. ^ See Appendix 12. 

" " In obedience to his orders he [Lewkenor] came on to tell me that 
I was to go pubUdy to Court. He did not find me in, but left a mes- 
sage that I was to be at the Spanish Ambassador's house at the fourth 
hour of the night, and go together to the Court. This was done and 
we were conducted to the King's chambers, where his Majesty appeared 
about the seventh hour, and moved on to the place where they gave the 
masque, which was very beautiful and sumptuous. " Ibid. 

* Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 7. ' Ben JonsoD, Works (1903), iii, 
» BeQ Joason, Works (1903), iii, 7. 



Court Masques of James I 

with his country woman. He took out the Queen and 
forgot not to Kifs her hand though there was danger 

it would have left a mark on bis lips. "' 

If he felt that the masquers with their "black faces 
and hands w'^l' were painted and bare up to the elbowes, 
was a very lothfome fight," it did not appear. No 
one observed it if he approved of the sentiment of one 
Englishman who failed to appreciate the heavy expense 
and who was "fory that ftrangers Oiould fee owr comt 
fo ftrangely difguifed. "' 

He saw the "landtschap"^ in which "The indeconim 
was that there was all Fifh and no water,"* He saw 
the unruly crowd in which "The confufion in getting 
in was fo great, that fome Ladies lie by it and complaine 
of the fury of the white ftafes. " ' He must have known 
that "In the pafsages through the galleries they were 
fhutt up in feveral heapes betwixt dores and there 
ftayed till all was ended. "^ He could scarcely have 
failed to see the crush when "in the cumming owt a 
banquet w"? was prepared for the K: in the great 
chamber was overturned table and all before it was 
fkarce touched, "= He must have known too of "what 
lofses there were of chaynes. Jewels, purees and fuch 
like loofe ware. " = but none of those things were import- 
ant in the face of what he had achieved. 

In the presence of aU the Court and of all the repre- 

■ Letter from Carleton to Winwood, January, i604-[5], in Ralph 
Winwood, Memoriais, ii, 44. 

' Letters from Carleton to Chamberlain, 7 January, i604-[5], in Stats 
Papers Domestic James I, xii, No. 6. 

> Ben Jonson Works (1903), iii, 3. 

< Letter from Carleton to Winwood, January, 1604-I5], in Ralph 
Winwood, Memorials, ii, 44. 

■ Carleton to Chamberlain, 7 January, i604-[5] in State Papers 
Domestic James I, xii. No. 6. 


Ascendency of Spain 29 

sentatives of European powers he had received and 
returned the compliments which announced to the world 
the supremacy of Spain in the matter of England's 

Two days after the masque, Beaumont was received 
in audience by James to whom he "complained very 
loudly of what had taken place, though he laid the 
blame on five or six officials who had done him this 
wrong and his master this disservice. He charged 
them with being thoroughly corrupted by Spain, and 
declared with great vehemence that he must report all 
to his master," The King promised him redress but 
without satisfying him. He wrote to Villeroy that 
James's expressed displeasure toward the officials was 
simulated and that the Court was aU under the influence 
of Spain. ' 

It is not to be supposed, that England alone, of 
European powers used the masque for diplomatic ends. 
In France and Spain especially most interesting compH- 
cations were worked out through the popular meditim. 
The scope of the present treatment, however, excludes 
most of those from consideration or even from mention 
but the present case is an exception. 

Shortly after the diplomatic manceuvres just con- 
sidered, the French Queen entertained the King, her 
husband, with a masque given at the Louvre. Henry 
IV took this occasion to impress upon the Duke of 
lienox, English Ambassador extraordinary to France, 
with what serious displeasure he regarded the Enghsh 
treatment of his representative in London."" 

The mission of the French Ambassador in England 

s clearly a failure. Beaumont was unable to further 

' See Appendix 13. " See Appendix 14. 


Court Masques of James I 

the French-English marriage alliance, to bring about 
"the renewal of the ancient alliance between France 
and Scotland" or "to procure invitations to pub- 
lic ceremonies with precedence over the Spanish 

The Spanish preferment at the English Court was 
recognised on all hands. Other coimtries which had 
begun to talk of a Spanish marriage alliance at the 
conclusion of the treaty," now spoke of that matter 
more publicly and with more assurance. * 

Beaumont felt his disgrace and his failure most 
keenly. The details of all that had happened, he sent 
by Sieur D'auval to Henry IV and wrote both to Vil- 
leroy and to the King, explaining that the change of 
affairs in England produced upon him an unbearable 
"disgust and melancholy" and asking for his immediate 
recall. ^ 

Not until November following his request was 
Beaumont permitted to return to France. * Three 
reasons were given to the world for his recall, "The 
seizure of cloth at Rouen ; a libel on the King of Eng- 
land ; the exclusion of the French Ambassador from the 

■ See Appendix 15. ' Cf. supra. . 

' "The Ambassador of the Archdukes [Flanders] who will be a. son of 
President Richardet, is expected here; some say as Ambassador extra- 
ordinary till d'Aremberg's soa-in-law shall arrive. Any way there is a 
rumour that the Archduke has opinions coQcerning Flanders very 
different from those of Spain, and that he finds he must keep liis own 
envoy at this Court to look after his interests; all the more so as rumour 
is rife that there will be a match between the Prince of Wales and the 
Infanta who will bring the Low Countries as her dower. " Nicolo Molin 
to the Doge and Senate, 30 [O. S. 20], December, 1604, in Calendar of 
State Papers Venetian, x 203. ' See Appendix 13. 

s "Finally they have a deep suspicion of France, whose Ambassador 
left eight days ago without awaiting his successor. " Nicolo Molin to 
the Doge and Senate, 17 Nov., 1605, in Calendar oj Stale Papers 
Venetian, x. No. 443. 




Ascendency of Spain 31 

Court festival in London. ' ' ' He took with him besides 
the displeasure of the English Court, the odium at- 
tached to a suspicion concerning his connection with 
the Gunpowder Plot. ' 

Since Beaumont's successor did not reach England 
until the following May (1606) the Spaniard was left 
wholly master of the situation during the Court festivi- 
ties of the Christmas season 1605-6. In all his accus- 
tomed glory ^ de Tassis attended Hymenmi, the marriage 
masque of Twehthnight written by Jonson to celebrate 
the healing of a great poHtical breach between two of 
the greatest houses of England. The thirteen-year-old 
daughter of the House of Suffolk was imited in marriage 
to the fotu^een-year-old descendant ' of the House of 

In the presence of the Spanish Ambassador the 
masquers coiutesied to the King as "Reason" gave 
James I credit for the peace and union within his 

Up youths! hold up your lights in air, 
And shake abroad your flaming hair. 
I Now more united, and in gait, 
I As you in pairs do front the state, 
I With grateful honours thank his grace 
I That hath so glorified the place : 
I And as in circle you depart, 
I Linked hand in hand, so heart in heart 
J May all those bodies still remain 
V Whom he with so much sacred pain 
■ Ko less hath bound within his realms 
Than they are with the ocean's streams. 

'The Queen's masque. See A. Badoer, Venetian Ambassador in 
France, to the Doge and Senate, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, 
X, No. 343. ' See Appendix i6. ' See Appendix 17. 

32 Court Masques of James I 

Long may his Union find increase, 
As he to ours hath deigned his peace!' 

When the "ladies" whose "attire was wholly new 
for the invention and full of glory,"' "took forth other 
persons (men and women) " to dance other measures, 
galliards and corantos* de Tassis was "taken out" for 
the dance together with the Prince, the Archduke's 
Ambassador, the Duke and others. "And the men 
gleaned out the Queen, the bride and the greatest of 
the ladies."^ But the dress of the Spaniard so far 
surpassed that of the remainder of the company that 
the spectators measured the extreme elegance, the cost 
and beauty of the masquers' attire by the lesser elegance 
of his. * 

English friendliness for Spain was marked by the 
attitude toward a marriage alliance. During the first 
year of James's reign it was not even openly suggested; 
the following year Spain timidly proposed it while at 
the present time it was being openly urged by England. ' 

The correspondence of the time concerns itself 
almost wholly with the Gunpowder Plot, which shook 
England from end to end, and gave that country a 
sufficient number of domestic problems to occupy it 
to the neglect of foreign affairs for a time. The sudden 
disappearance of the French Ambassador, coinciding 
with the time of the discovery of the plot, and the 
interruption of friendly diplomatic relations, gave the 
friends of Spain an opportunity to further the cavise 
of Spain and to cast suspicion upon France. Henry 
IV, forced to assume the defensive, sent a special ambas- 

■ Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 27, 

■Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 29, contrast with The Masque if 

ihe Tvielve Goddesses for example. ' Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 26. 

* See supra, 31 K s Supra, 30 '. 

^H Ascendency of Spain 33 I 

sador to congratulate James upon his escape, and wrote 1 

a personal letter in which he offered to make an example ] 

of Beaumont if the slightest particle of the charge 
against him were found to be true. ' 

To fortify himself against the opposition which pub- 
lished itself through the Gunpowder Plot, James ar- 
ranged for the marriage of one of his most favoured 
Scotchmen with an EngHsh lady in very high standing. 
He appointed the marriage festivities for the Christmas 
season 1606-7 when the nuptials might be honoured by 
the masque of Twelfthnight. The masque, written 
by Thomas Campion for the marriage of Lord Hay' and 
his bride,' resounded with the extravagant praises of 
the recently threatened King — ^his love of Scotland and 
the successful union, imder him, of the two countries. 

O then great Monarch with how wife a care 

Do you thefe bloods devided mixe in one, 

And with like conf anguinities prepare 

The high and everliving Union 

Tweene Scots, and English; who can wonder then 

If he that marries kingdomes, marries men?* 

Occupied with these domestic troubles, England was 
forced to announce a change of policy toward conti- 

• See supra, 30. See also Appendix 18. 
' James Hay, first Earl of Carlyle, first Viscount Doncaster, and first 

Baron Hay (died 1636). See Dictionary of National Biography, igo8; 
Biillen, A. H., Works of Dr. Thomas Campion, 145 sq.; Jolin Nichols, 
Progresses of James I, II, 103 sq.; Gardner, History of England, ii, 
viii; Lloyd, State Worthies, 774. 

• Daughter and heir to Lord Denney. See A, H. Bullen, Works of 
Dr. Thomas Campion, 145. 

• Thomas Campion, The Description of a maske, Prefented before tk4 
Kinges maie/lie at White-Satt on Twelfth Night laft, in honour of &e 
Lord Hayes, and his Bride (1607), A". 

See also A. H. Bullen, Works of Dr. Thomas Campion, 145. 


Court Masques of James I 

nental powers. Salisbury was at some pains to impress 
upon foreign representatives in the Court assurances 
of English neutrality. He shrewdly advertised that 
England was in position to accept favours from aU 
countries without showing preference for any. ' A 
close scrutiny of England's procedure, however, does 
not indicate indifference. The behaviour of the English 
Ambassador in Venice shows her acute concern ova 
Spanish interference in Italy even while she was urging. 
the marriage alliance and in other ways courting the' 
favour of Spain. ^ 

Besides this the coming of a new ambassador frratt 
Paris, gives evidence of a willingness to heal the breach 
with France, the known arch-enemy of Spain and 
friend of Scotland.* 

The effect of these events upon the Masque of Lori 
Hay and his Bride on Twelfthnight, 1606-7, is seen til 
the fact that no ambassadors were invited. * For this 
the newly arrived French Ambassador, Boderie, remem- 
bering Beaiunont's failure, offered a fervent "Thank 
God." Boderie's report of his first Christmas in the 
English Court indicates what he believed to be thi 
cause of some of the Spanish success. He tnaxte 
significant comment on the smallness of his own gift 
to the married pair, compared with that of Spain. 

■ " But they [English] have an idea repeatedly impressed upon me by 
the Ear] of Salisbury, namely that the crown of England is like a mwtrtMl, 
to whom two powerful princes are paying ccoirt: if she favours one ata 
angers the other; her policy, therefore, is to preserve herself isolated and 
alone, more especially as she is in a position to so do quite easily, as she 
need neither fear nor want anybody; and in this way she may preserve 
the love of both her suitors." Nicolo MoUn, Report on England pn- 
senled to the Government of Venice in 160^, in Calendar of State Papirt 
Venetian, x, 518, No. 739. 

See also Calendar of Slate Papers Venetian, x, passim. 

•See Appendii 19. i Supra, 14. ■> See Appendix ao. 

Ascendency of Spain 

Though he questioned the efficiency of such means, he 
later requested permission to follow Spain's example. 

The masque was not wholly successful. The Queen 
who had always been known to be a friend to Spain,' 
refused to be present alleging illness and even the King 
failed to show the enthusiasm that the occasion 
warranted. ' 

As the Christmas season of 1607-8 approached, 
James I directed the Queen to prepare a masque.* 
Though it had been Ben Jonson's and probably 
Queene Anne's plan on Twelfthnight, 1605, to produce 
The Masque of Beauty or some other masque as early 
as Twelfthnight, 1606, " political conditions, as we have 
seen, prevented. It had been three years ^ since her 

'"The Court is entirely occupied with preparations for the mar- 
riage, the King staying on for it very unwillingly, but as he hin^self says 
he consoles himself with dreaming of the chase." Zori Guistinian, 
Venetian Ambassador in England to the Doge and Senate, ii Jan., 
[O. S. Il, 1607, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, x, 453, No. 660. 

' "Un autre indioe que je preus encore, qu'on tSche de faire parottre 
moins de mauvoile volont^ envers let-dits Catholiquea, e£t que le Roi en 
partout pour fa chaffe, ayant ordonnS & 1& Reine de preparer un bal 
pour ces fgtes de Nogl, & s'etant chargfi de la depenfe, lequelle vn dit 
devoir etre de plus de fix ou fept mille ecus (car on nef cauroit rien 
faire ici pour peu) on remarque, que prefque toutes les Dames que la 
Keine appellfes pour en etre toit Catholiques. " Boderie to Puisieux, 
20 Dec [O. S. 10], 1607, in Le Fevre de la Boderie Ambassades, ii, 490. 

* "So that this night the year gone round, you do again salute this 
ground." The Masque of Blackness, Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 8. 

Cf. also infra. 36. 

'"Two years being now past that Her Majesty had intermitted these 
delights, and the third almost come, it was her highness's pleasure 
again to glorify the court, and command that I should think on some 
fit presentment which should answer the former, still keepii^ them the 
same person.i, the daughters of Niger, but their beauties varied accord- 
ing to promise, and their time of absence excused, with four more added 
to their niimlier. " The Masque of Beauly. Ben Jonson, Works (1903), 

36 Court Masques of James I 

Majesty had given a great court masque and all eye« 
were turned toward the new event. ' James was pleased 
to burden himself with the cost without stint' and the 
entire Court gave themselves over to the discussion c4 
the magnificence of the preparations to the exclusica 
of all business.^ Ben Jonson. who had achieved high 
fame as a masque writer was set to work by the Queea 
on The Masque oj Beauty for which he says she gave 
"command that I should think on some fit present- 
ment which should answer the former [Masque of Black- 
Tiess] still keeping them the same persons, the daughtaia 
of Niger. "' 

The Frenchman was immediately concerned. Hb 
made note of the fact that the Queen had chosen Catho- 

■ "Boreas. To thee then thus, and by thee to that King, 
That doth thee present honours, do I bring 
Present remerabmnce of twelve <Ethiop dames; 
Who, guided hither by the moon's bright flames. 
To see his brighter light, were to the sea 
Enjoined again, and (thence assigned a day 
For their return) were in the waves to leave 
Their Blackness and true Beauty to receive. 
Jame. Which they received, but broke their day: and yet 
Have not returned a look of grace for it, 
Shewing a. coarse and most unfit neglect. 
Twice have I come in pomp here to eipect 
Their presence: twice deluded, have been fain 
With other rites my feasts to entertain; 
And now the third time, turned about the year. 
Since they were looked for, and yet are not here!" 
' Ben Jonson, The Masque of Beauty in bis Works (1903), iii, 11, 
" See Appendix, 21. 
J "The King came back to the dty four days ago to keep ChristmUij 
He and the Court are entirely absorbed in the festivities and in 
Queen's Masque. She is giving it great attention in order that it 
come up to expectation." Zori Guistinian to the Doge and 
10 Jan., 1607, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venelian, xi, 82, No. 146. 
See also infra, i, 157. 
• Ben Joofion, Uasgue of Beauty m Works (1903) iii, 10. 


Ascendency of Spain 


lie women for most of her masquing mates and in this 
saw favouritism toward his "Catholic Majesty,"' 

The first confirmation of Boderie's fears came with 
an invitation to a dinner at the home of the Duke of 
Lenox. Here he learned that the Spanish Ambassador 
was already invited to the Masque, and the blame 
again laid on the Queen. " 

Boderie protested that the King of Great Britain 
should so easily yield in so important a matter. The 
King, he said, should be master in his own house ; the 
masque was a public action wherein the Ambassador 
of Spain could not be favoured more than the Ambas- 
sador of France without manifest testimony of bad 
faith toward the French King. Feeling that Lenox's 
dinner had been given to sound him, and remembering 
Beaumont's fall, he determined to do nothing without 
specific orders, so he sent a courier express to Paris 
requesting immediate instructions for his procedure J 

In the meantime, through Lenox he inquired of 
Salisbury and Dombar what might be done.'' They 
answered that the King was infinitely sorry but the 
Queen's promise to the Ambassador of Spain left him 
without means to remedy the matter. James offered 
Boderie a dinner instead. Boderie replied that there 
was no comparison between a dinner and a masque.' 

"A dinner," he said, "was a private function while the 

'Supra,35 K 'See Appendixzz, 

• See ibid. * Ibid.; also Appendix 23. 

s It must not be understood that a dinner with a Sing was considered 
a small honour, but only that a masque outranked it much. In the 
negotiations for the Spanish- English treaty (1604), one of the English 
demands was the privilege of permitting the English Ambassador to 
eat at the King's table. The manner in which Philip III refused shows 
, how a dinner with a King was considered, in Spain at any rate. 

Cf. also Appendix 2^. 

Court Masques of James I 

masque was a public spectacle and solemnity. If he should 
dine with the King, the Spaniard would lake supper with 
His Majesty at the masque. De Tassis would be seen by 
ten thousand persons in whose presence he would receive 
the favour of publicly dancing with the Queen and of 
assisting at the collation given thereafter. Since all the 
spectators at the masque would be the judges of England's 
action in giving such honour to Spain, and since they would 
publish the manifestations of England's friendship for Spain 
to all Christendom, he was unwilling to consent to an 
arrangement which so prejudiced the cause of his Master- 
Therefore he resolved," he said, "to refuse the invitation 
to the dinner. " ' 

The following day a new message was sent to Boderic 
requesting him to reconsider the matter of the dinner. 
Eoderie answered that he was sorry, but France could 
be satisfied only with one of two things; either England 
must invite him to the masque or deny the Ambassador 
of Spain an invitation. ' 

One day more passed and Salisbury sent his secretary 
to say that the King was extremely sorry for the incon- 
siderateness of the Queen. He again asked Boderie 
to reconsider, explaining that the masque was only an 
affair of the Queen whom every one knew to be Spanish,' 
and who had power over her husband, while the dinner 
proceeded from the King. Boderie retorted that since 
the Queen was Spanish and had so much influence with 
her husband, the King of France had little to expect 
from a Court in which the interests of the House of 
Austria were supreme. ' 

The French goodwill was too vital to be readily sac- 
rificed, so Salisbury next sent Lenox to say that the 
English Court would make the proffered diimer a pub- 
lic affair to which they would invite the Venetian 

' See Appendiit 33. 


Ascendency of Spain 39 

Ambassador for the greater honour of France. They 
also made offer to refuse the Spaniard the supper 
which usually preceded the masque and to invite with 
Spain the lesser Ambassador of Flanders. Again 
Boderie refused. After further futile attempts to 
come to an agreement, Salisbury called a meeting of the 
Council and kept them up until eleven o'clock at night 
in an effort to find some way out of the difficulty, but 
all to no avail. 

The masque was put o£E from day to day 
with the excuse that all was not in readiness. * 
Finally the English, probably through Salisbury," 
determined upon a bold stroke. The Queen who had 
been kept waiting with her eleven noble companions 
for four days after all was in readiness, the long trains 
of assistants, actors, dancing-masters, musicians, cos- 
tumers, machinists, stage-hands, etc., with the rooms 
set aside for purposes, pertaining to the masque, tho 
nobility of England who had flocked to the city for the 
great event of the year, the long trains of ambassadors 
who were kept at the tensest pitch of excitement and 
intrigue^; all were quieted by the sudden order to per- 

■ " The fhew is put of till fonday by reafon all things are not redy. " 
Chamberlain to Carleton, " 8th of January late 1607, " in State Papers 
Domestic James I, xxxi, No, 4. 

"The court is still occupied by festivities. The Queen has put off 
her masque for a few days. " Ibid., xi, 83, No. 149. 

> Note the fact that James was constantly at the chase and that most 
of Boderie's discussions took place with Salisbury and the Council. 

"His Majesty's own hand was seldom to be discovered in his measures 
and those by whom they were accomplished were rarely conscious of 
having been his instruments." Edmund Lodge, Portraits of Illustrious 
Personages (1821-34.), ii, See Salisbury. 

• Note for comparison; "The Archduke's Ambassador having failed 
to obtain an invitation to the Masque, thoi^h fie made handsome 
presents for this purpose to the Queen's first Ladies-in -waiting, has been 
obliged to accept the invitation to the wedding." Guistinian to the 


Court Masques of James I 


forni the masque without further negotiation or 

The Masque of Beauty was one of the most serious 
exploitations of the wealth and power and influence 
of the English Court, yet attempted. The Queen of 
Beauty and her ladies were so splendid as to cause 
representatives from continental powers to proclaim 
to their home governments that "no other Court could 
have displayed such pomp and riches." "The appa- 
ratus and the cunning of the stage machinery was a 
miracle, the abundance and the beauty of the lights 
immense, the music and the dance most sumptuous. 
But what beggared all else and possibly exceeded the 
pubhc expectation was the wealth of pearls and jewels 
that adorned the Queen and her ladies."' For jewels 
"one Lady and that vnder a baronnefse is Caide to be 
furnished for better then one hundred thoufand pounds 
paetween $2,500,000 and $4,000,000 of our money] and 
the Lady Arabella goes beyond her, and the Q. must not 
come behinde. "' No small share of the grandeur of 
the masque was due to the fact that the King " intended 
this fimction to consecrate the birth of the Great Hall 
which his predecessors had left him built merely of 
wood, but which he had converted into stone. "* 

Doge and Senate, 21 Feb., 1607, in Calendar oj Stale Papers VenettoHt 
li, 97, No. 176. 

■ Zori Guistiniati to the Doge and Senate, 3J Januaiy, 1607, in ColMiij 
dar of Stale Papers Venetian, si, No. 154. 

' Chamberlain to Carleton "the 8th of January late 1607" in SlaU' 
Papers Domestic James I, xsxi. No. 4. 

"The habit and dressing for the fashion was most curious, and. so 
exceeding in riches as the throne whereon they sat seemed to be a r 
of light stnick from their jewels and their gannents." Ben Jonson, 
Works (1903), iii, 14. 

' Zori Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 24 January, 1607, in Caltn- 
dar 0} StaU Papers VentHan.ti, No. 154. 


Ascendency of Spain 41 

The Queen sent an invitation to the wife of the French 
Ambassador. Her husband answered that his wife 
was too wise to receive favour where her husband was 
in disfavour and too courageous to have any desire 
to add by her presence to the lustre of the Spanish 

No one seems to have disputed the fact that it was 
a Spanish occasion and it was a joyous one.' The 
"orange-tawny" and "sea-green"' costumes of the 
masquers "after some time of dancing with their 
lords"' contrasted in the common dances with the rich 
gown of the envied ^ Spanish Ambassador. ' ' The 
King's Majesty" was so happy over the dances that 
he "required them both again."' Stirely it was a 
Spanish opportunity, exercised to the full. 

The centre of aU the splendour was the Spanish 
Ambassador with whom the Venetian Ambassador 
"was invited along with Spain the more to honour 
Spain."'' If the detailed history of this event is ever 
written it will disclose plans fraught with world-wide pol- 
icy. The master mind of Salisbury never countenanced 
such a spectacle without scenting far-reaching results. 

So that no one would have access to him, for com- 
plaint, "He [James I] left the day after the masque. 
Before he left, however, he sent to his Ambassador in 
France instructions as to his answers [demanding 
payment of debts] ^ should anything be said to him on 

■ "She [Queen Annel reaped universal applause and the King con- 
stantly showed his approval. " Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 
24,th January [0. S. 14], 1607, in Calendar of State Papers Venetian, ri, 
154. ■ See Ben Jonson, Works, iii, 4. 

J See supra; also Appendix 30. 

<Zori Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 17 January, J607, in 
Calendar of State Papers Venetian, xi, 83, No. 149. 

> See Appendix 33, 24. 25, and 26. 

Basques of James T 

the question of precedence. The King also closed the 
passage between Dover and Calais in order to intercut 
the message which the French Ambassador here was 
sending to his master."' 

These drastic measures had the desired effect. Spain 
was completely successful even to the extent of having 
the Venetian Ambassador invited with her own.' 
Queen Anne was forced, as we have seen, to bear the 
odium of the affair.' Boderie's friends tried to placate 
him by reporting that they remonstrated against his 
absence on the evening of the masque and that the 
King's displeasure with the Queen kept James I awake 
all night and sent him off the following morning to the 
chase without anything to eat and without bidding 
adieu to the Queen. ' Though these conciliatory 
reports were carried to Boderie by his friends, we find 
by the restilts that SaUsbury's diplomatic move was 
successful. The French clamour ceased. Henry IV 
and his chief minister, in their next letters, turned 
their attention to the discussion of the debts demanded 
and ordered Boderie to take no further note of the 

■ Zori Guistinian to the Doge aod Senate, 34 January, 1607, in Calen- 
dar of SlaU Papers Venetian, xi, 87, No. 155, 

"Appendii 22, 23 f. 

' " J'ai ign depui qu'ils font raarris de ce que s'en eft pafH; & quo 
le Roi, le jour des Ballet, ayant demandi5 a ceux de ta chambre a qm 
leur en avoit femble, tous, mais principalement Ramzai, &, Aduiton 
fon parent, lui repondirent que rien ne s'y pouvoit defirer, li I'Ainbaf- 
ladeur de France y eflt 6t6; mais qu'y voir celui d'Efpagne & I'autre 
noa, avoit fait parler & prefque murmurer tous ceux qui I'avoient vu. 
De forte que ledit Roi avoit taut plus reconnu lors la faute qui avoit 
€16 faite, & s'en ^toit montr^ fi piqu^ contre la Reine, que toute la nuiC 
il n'en avoit point dornii, & que des le lendenmin matin, fans la voir, 
ni lui dire adieu, ni m^me fans vouloir manger, s'en etoit allfi h la chaUe, 
oiiilademeure cinqou fix jours. " Boderie to King Henry, 5 Februaiy, 
1608, in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iii, 74-5. 


Ascendency of Spain 43 

masque except to let it be known that the French King 
was not pleased. ' 

The world, informed of the Spanish victory, again 
speculated on the probabiHty of a marriage alliance 
between Spain and Kngland. ' 

Boderie accepted his defeat with what grace he could. 
He notified Villeroy that it was no wonder the Spanish 
got all they wished for. They were paying for it in 
the amount of money de Tassis was spending. He had 
just given a grand feast to the Queen, all her dancing 
mates and their friends at which he presented each of 
the masquers with a beautiful gift. 

By way of recompense for the Twelftbnight Masque, 
Boderie was invited to the marriage dinner and masque 
of the Viscount Haddington, one of the most intimate 
of the Scotch friends of James I.^ He begged that 
the French King would send a valuable ring as a gift 
to the groom. Henry IV refused to give the ring 
and ordered Boderie to accept the invitation only 
upon condition that all other ambassadors should be 
excluded. ' 

Boderie accepted the invitation but without insisting 
upon the exclusion of the Ambassador from Flanders. 
He explained that the Ambassador of the Archduke was 

' See Appendix 24, 25. and z6. 

' "During these feslivities I have observed from certain signs which 
passed between the Spanish Ambassador and some of his confidants 
that they are pushing forward the hopes of a matrimonial alliance 
■between these Sovereigns." Zori Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 
34 January, 1607, in Calendar of Slate Papers Venetian, xi, 87, No. 155. 
> "When treason would have burst a soul 
To-day renowned and added to my roll 
Opposed: and by that act to his name did bring 
The honour to be saver to his Tfing . " 
Hue and Cry after Cupid, Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 40, 
• See Appendix 27 and 28. 


but unnoticfd. ' King Henry's anger was 
aroused however over the disobedience and the chagrio 
of having been unable to get even tliis much satisfaction 
for the neglect of the first mfisque.' The correspon- 
dence of the French King and of his Ministers for the 
months following concerns itself with this detail 
Though Boderie reported that at The Masqtte of Ike 
Viscount Haddington marks of the highest favour were 
shown to all the family, that even his little daughter 
was taken out by the Duke of York, in whose company 
she behaved so pleasingly that the whole audience gave 
evidence of approval to the Uttle couple, ' though 
Boderie added that he gained the good will of the Scotch 
and even of the Queen, Henry IV permitted his Ambas- 
sador to feel his indignity for some time over the one 
thing in which he had failed. • 

< "L'AmbaXtadeur Ac I'Archduke fut prefect k tout, mats li oe 
particepa-t-it ni ^ rentretien, ^r \e Roi ne lui park jamais, cI k aucuM 
des carefCes particulieures dont il a plu sudit Roi de me favoriCer 
elquelles, encore que je vilfe bien qu'U y avoit quelque contrainle, Q 
les re^us-je comme venant du fond du cour." Boderie to Henry IV, 
37 Feb., 160S, in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iii. 

• "Ou vous avoit permis dSj entendre, fans vous arreter pouron que 
I'Anibaffadeur dea Archiducs en fflt excius, ainfi que vous-m^tne recon- 
noiffiez fitre neceffaire pour rendre recevable cette r^aration & £ati(- 
faction, & telle qu'elle eft dde S. M: tellement que fi cette action s'eft 
paff^ feJon votre premier projet, je vous affure que fadite MajeftS 
i'aura agr&b!e." Villeroy to Boderie, 28 Feb., 1608, in de la Boderie, 
Ambassades, iii, 134. 

' "II [King James] voulut mfime que ma petite fille vlnt prendre ft 
danler monfjeur le Due d'Vorck, qui s'en acquiterent fi biea tons deux, 
qu'ils ne firent moins rire la compagnie qu'avoit fait rAmbatfadeur 
d'Efpagne, mais de fagon toute diverfe. " Boderie to Puisieux, 27 Feb., 
1608, in de la Boderie. Ambassades, iii, 125. 

' "En un feule chofe crains-je d'avoir faille, vn mfime ce qu'il a pla 
It V. M. m'en ficrire, en fouffrant que I'Ambaffadeur des Archiducs fe 
fcrit trouve i la plupart de tout cela avec moi. " Boderie to Heray IV, 
4 March, 1608, in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iii, 144. 


Ascendency of Spain 45 

Boderie's troubles were not confined to dramatic 
productions in the Court alone. A company of actors 
had been forbidden, on Boderie's complaint, to continue 
insulting Prance by presenting Chapman's Duke ofBiron. 
As soon as the Court closed its Christmas festivities 
and removed from London, as was its custom, the 
actors, instead of obeying the orders forbidding them 
to play the Duke ofBiron, added to the play the charac- 
ters of the French Queen and the French King's mis- 
tress, causing the latter to receive a box on the ear." 
Boderie sought out Salisbury and renewed his com- 
plaint against the company, reporting the added insult 
which he said was wholly without justification since it 
had nothing to do with the play and was false as well. 
Salisbury arrested three of the actors and made search 
for Chapman, who was not anywhere to be foimd. 
The same company of players had, a day or two before 
their arrest, portrayed the favourites of the English King 
in a strange manner, had ridiculed James's Scotch feat- 
ures, together with his fondness for hawking and hunt- 
ing, and had depicted him tipsy at least once a day, 

Boderie, finding that France had plenty of trouble 
without looking for more, reported to the French 
Minister that it seemed wiser to have the actors' pimish- 
ment attributed to the irreverence they had shown their 
own King, than to anything they had said about the 
French Queen and Madame Vermeuil. So he proposed, 
with the French government's approval, to take no 
further note of the matter. 

When the whole afi!air was reported to James, he is 
said to have been greatly irritated. He ordered all 
London theatres closed, a search to be made for Chap- 
man, and the actors to be punished. 

' See Appendix ig. 

46 Court Masques of James I 

To be relieved from the first order, the French 
Ambassador reports, "four other companies offer one 
hundred thousand francs which will easily obtain 
permission for them ; but at least it will be upon condition 
that they will not represent any modem history nor 
speak of things of the time under penalty of death. " 
One cannot help remembering in this connection how 
hard pressed for money James was. 

The Frencli Prime Minister congratulated Boderie 
upon treating the insolence of the comedians so lightly, 
lest resentment against France should have been in- 
creased thereby, "although" he adds, "I assure you, 
people on this side found that act very audacious."' 

By 1608, approximately five years had passed since 
the accession of King James. Spain had made strides 
worth recounting since the days of open hostility under 
Elizabeth. France had failed to captivate Queen Anne, 
who was made to bear the odium' of the new diplomatic 
trend; but there were other powers at work, soon to 
force the English statesmen to show their hands in 
another way. 

' "Vouaavezbienfaitdevousmoquer de Tinlolence de ce Com^dienSi 
avec la mefure que vous y avez tenue, puitque le Roi de la Grande 
Bretagne o'y a pas 6t6 en plus grande confideration. Vous n'en derei 
pas faire plus grand refientiment, encore, )e voua atCure, qu'on ait 
trouv6 de de^a cette procedure bien audacieufe. " Puisieux to Bodeiw, 
25 April, 1608, Boderie, Amhassades, iii, 198. 

The credit for the discovery of this letter should be given to Profesav 
C. W. Wallace, who first found it in tfie BibUolh&jue Natioaalo. 

" See supra. 







THE avowed object of the French King Henry 
IV's policy was the destruction of the House of 
Austria. ' As we have seen in the preceding chapter, 
Henry failed to secure the co-operation of England in 
this policy during the first five years of the reign of 
James. Events on the continent had, however, been 
shaping themselves for his success, until in the year 
1608, one part of his plan seemed ready for execution, 
namely the rendering of the Dutch absolutely indepen- 
dent of Spain." 

But the burden of the struggle against Spain was too 
heavy for France alone, especially since the Dutch 
were only half-hearted in their desire for indepen- 
dence. ' To share the expense and the ill-will of Spain, 
Henry manceuvred for the assistance of England. 
James, never very positive, found a policy especially 
tard to choose. On the one hand the English people 
were crying out for the rich gains of privateering 

» See Bethune {Maximilien de), Duke of Sully, Memoirs {Dublin, 
1751)' '~35 ^' pass't"- Cf. also supra, 

' "De rendre les Provinces- Unies absolument independants de 
I'Espagne. " Bethune (Maximilien de), Duke of Sully, Memoirs 
^London, 1752), iv, 45. 

' See Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xi, Nos. 365, 391 el passim. 

Court Masques of James I 

that had come to them during the war with Spain 
under Elizabeth. ' Besides this James, like Elizabeth, 
posed as benefactor and protector of small Continental 
states, and he feared the loss of prestige if the Dutdi 
should acquire independence through France.* 

James had his reputation as peacemaker to main- 
tain,' however, and the pohcy of non-interference still 
appealed to him. Neither money nor ships were to be 
had for war* and England feared the increase of the 
Dutch navy and their growing commerce. * 

While James remained inactive, France was so sac- 
cassful in making the world believe that England 
planned to assist her against Spain that some months 
before Christmas, 1608, the Spanish government sent 
Don Pedro de Toledo to Paris with an offer of a bribe 
in the shape of a Franco-Spanish marriage alliance 
which would bring the Low Countries into the French 
possession as a dower to the bride.* This manoeuvie 
instead of helping Spain was used by France in an 
attempt to force James into a more positive attitude.' 

■ See Calendar of State Papers VetieHan. ri, No. 468. 

' " I have discovered that the real reason why the King of E 
favours the truce is in order to prevent its being concluded without his 
participation through the instnimentaUty of France, " Marc' Antonui 
Correr to the Doge and Senate, 4 Dec. (O. S. 24 Nov.), 1608, in Caitlh 
dar of Stale Papers Venetian, xi, No. 376. 

I See Ben Jonson, Masques, passim. 

* See Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xi, No. 126. 

' "They tear that the growing power of the Dutch by sea will event- 
ually seriously damage the trade of England, " Zori GuistinJan to tiie 
Doge and Senate, 27 March(0. S, 17), 1608, in Calendar of Stale Papers 
Venetian, xi, No. 204. See also ibid.. No. 376. 

' See Calendar of State Papers Venetian, xi. No. 371, Note also the 
aame offer made to England earlier. 

See also Samuel R. Gardner, History of England, 1603-1642 (1883}) 

"There is 

ra that Don Pedro de Toledo is ordered to pasa tl 


Ascendency of France 49 

While she was making an offer of alliance by marriage 
to France, Spain kept in close touch with English feel- 
ing. A new outbreak in Ireland, encouraged perhaps by 
her, aided her interests. ' To discover, and possibly to 
influence the English attitude more definitely, Spain 
sent Don Ferdinando Giron, as Ambassador Extra- 
ordinary, to England in December.' 

Ben Jonson, under Queen Anne's direction,' was 
preparing The Masque of Queens for presentation by her 
Majesty on Twelfthnight 1608-9. Giron was no sooner 
landed than he began to manceuvre* for an invitation 

to France on his way to Germany ; he to raise the question of alliance 
between the two crowns. This rouses great suspicion here, and the 
subject has been broached to the French Ambassador. He has used 
the opportunity to heighten the suspicion, with a view to inducing the 
EngUsh to accept the proposals he had already made to them about the 
affairs in Holland. " Zori Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 25 June 
(O, S. 15) 1608, in CalsTtdar of State Papers Venetian, xi, No. 269. 

See also idem, Nos. 378, 285, z88, et passim. Of. also infra, 57. 

■ "He [the French Ambassador] has found them [the English] more 
determined than ever to avoid mixing in anything that could cause 
annoyance to Spain, especially now that the rising in Ireland compeia 
them to act with reserve and in truth for some time past they bave 
treated the Spanish with much more respect than heretofore." Zori 
Guistinian to the Doge and Senate, 25 June (O. S. 15), 1608, in Calendar 
t^ State Papers Venetian, xi, 269. 

'"Monday Don Ferdinando Giron, Knight of Malta, arrived in 
London." Correr to the Doge and Senate, 26 December (O. S. r6), 
1608, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xi, No. 393. 

' "And because Her Majesty (best knowing that a principal part of 
life in these spectacles lay in their variety) had commanded me to think 
on some dance, or shew, that might precede hers, and have the place 
of foil or false' masque: I was careful to decline, not only from others, 
but mine own steps in that kind since the last year." Ben Jonaon, 
Works (1903), iii, 45-6. 

' "The Spanish and Flemish Ambassadors are now manceuvring to 
be invited to the masque. They declare it would be a shght to the 
Embassy -Extraordinary to be left out. " Correr to the Doge and Senate, 
ojan. (O. S. 31 Dec.), 1608-9, ^ Calendar of State Papers Venetian, s 


50 Court Masques of James I 

to this masque and the world looked to the outcome for 
a clue as to which of the belligerents England was 
willing to join in the coming contest. 

An Ambassador Extraordinary from one of the im- 
portant countries took precedence, according to estab- 
lished custom, over all other ambassadors, ' and it 
began to be whispered about that again the French 
must be excluded from "hearing the glories of Bel- 
Anna so well told"' on Twelfthnight. 

But France was at this time more sure of her position. 
Informed by Salisbury, the former friend of Spain,' 
of the Spanish designs concerning the Queen's masque, 
Boderie sent his wife to the Queen and enlisted the in- 
fluence of the Countess of Bedford. He was happily sur- 
prised to find her Majesty so ready to lend an ear to his 
wife's ridicule of the Spanish Ambassador's dancing at 
the last masque. Queen Anne did not even show resent 
ment at Madame Boderie's suggestion that it would be 
more charitable to leave the Spaniard at home in bed on 
the occasion of the coming masque than to expose him to 
the danger of getting the catarrh to which he was subject. * 

Boderie was not wholly assured, however. He wrote 
to Henry IV's chief adviser " twenty-three " or " twenty 
four" days before Twelfthnight begging for immediate 
and exphcit instructions concerning his procedure. So 
important did he feel it that he redoubled precautions by 
writing Puisieux also, entreating consideration and 
haste, s 

Henry did not leave so important a matter to his 
advisers. He answered in person and his instructions 
were most positive, 

' See infm. 

• Ben Jonsoo, Masque of Queens, in Works (1903), iii. 59- 

" See stipra. 39 ". 'See Appendix 30. ' See Appendix 31. 


Ascendency of France 

I say to you [he wrote], that I persist in the maintenance 
of ray dignity and reputation, and it is my command that 
if there is any diminishing of the rank that belongs to me, 
I order your recall from the King of Great Britain and 
his chief ministers. Take care then that nothing happens 
on the occasion of the Masque to the disadvantage of my 
dignity. ■ 

Such clear and positive orders could not easily be 
mistaken; but the English Court could not, without 
serious instdt, invite Boderie while a Spanish Ambassa- 
dor Extraordinary was in residence. 

If Giron would only leave the Court before the 
masquing season, England might be saved the necessity 
of advertising her choice of sides, but this the Spaniard 
had no intention of doing; and James I who was his 
host could not of course dismiss him without giving 
serious offence. ' 

In the meantime nothing was left undone that would 
influence the English in their choice of guests for 
The Masque of Queens. Both ambassadors kept in 
constant touch with members of the Court and even 
of the royal family. Money was spent lavishly by 
both France and Spain and every possible means of 
gainiiig the desired end was resorted to. ^ 

• Appendix 32. Cf. Appendix 38. 

' "As the Ambassadors of Spain and the Archdukes continued to 
insist on being invited to the Masque the Court announced that their 
Majestys wish the French Ambassador and myself to be present. We 
were informed of this by many that have the King's ear. I hear that 
his Majesty was anxious to dismiss the Ambassador Extraordinary and 
told the Queen so who was quite willing; but the Ambassador neither 
asks to take leave nor shows any signs of going and so his Majesty has 
put oS the Masque, which ought to have been given to-morrow, to the 
la'h of February, the Feast of the Purification. " Correr to the Doge 
and Senate, 15 Jan.(0.S.5), 1609, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, 
xi. No. 413, J See Appendix 33 and 34. 

52 Court Masques of James I 

In France plans were nmde for two presentations 
of the same masque. It was hoped that these would 
have influence upon the English situation. ' 

To the first production of this masque given at the 
Arsenal in Paris, by the Queen of France, of foreign 
representatives, only the English Ambassador and his 
wife were invited. Henry IV did these the special 
honour of seating them behind the chairs of their 
Majesties and giving them other marks of favour. To 
make the French purpose more apparent, the Papal 
Nuncio, the Ambassador of Spain, and the Venetian 
Ambassador were invited to a second production of the 
same masque at the home of the "lesser" Queen 
Marguerite. The repetition of the masque, the Queen 
of "lesser quality," and the number invited enforced 
the subordination of Spain to England.' 

The reports of Henry's two chief ministers put 
especial stress upon this subordination and pointed 
out that the treatment which the Enghsh Ambassador 
received at the masque of the Arsenal in Paris should 
surely be of great advantage to the French cause io 
London. ' 

The insult which France intended for Spain is more 
apparent if we consider a Frenchman's answer to an 
invitation to the second production of the Masque sj 
Augurs given in London on May 5, 1622. 

"The French Amb! Mons. de lUieurre receiving a 
kind of invitation by way of offer to be present at this 
Masque [Masque of Augurs] returned answer, that be 

■ See Appendix 35. ' See Appendix 35, 36, and 37. 

Cf. also " Je vous croire que le bon acceuil & traitement qui a flf 1 
fait deg^ k rAmbaffadeur d'Angieterre au ballet d I'Arfenal, 1 
peu fervi k vous taut avantager par dela. " Puisieux to Boderie. 13 1 
Feb, (0. S. 13), 1609 in dela Boderie, Ambassades, xi, 246. 

most humbly kifsed his Majesties handes for the honour 
intended him ; but his stomach would not (he said) agree 
with cold meat." 

There were numerous signs of the waning influence 
of Spain at both the French and EngHsh courts, and 
ambassadors from lesser powers made no effort to 
conceal a declining respect. This so irritated the 
Spaniards that they sometimes indulged in ill-advised 
altercations with representatives of smaller powers. 
A dispute between Don Pedro de Toledo and the Vene- 
tian Ambassador occurred at Queen Marguerite's 
home on the evening of the masque and caused such 
amusement to the French Coiirt and King that Henry 
declared it better than a comedy. On a later occasion 
the two men actually came to blows, and almost 
caused bloodshed in the very palace of the French 

The Spanish Ambassador Extraordinary remained 
in London for a whole month longer than was expected, 
greatly inconveniencing "Bel-Anna" and her sister 
"Queens," Practice on The Masque of Queens was 
continued.' Elaborate scenery was kept in place, 

' " Don Pedro de Toledo is returned to Spain not greatly satisfied (as 
they say), and for a parting blow these foul words betwixt him axA the 
Venetian Ambassador at a ball at Queen Margaret's; when the French 
King took such pleasure, that he could not forbear to say, cette farce 
vaul mieux que la Camedie." Chamberlain to Carleton, 21 Feb., i6o8-g, 
in Thomas Birch, CotiH and Times 0/ James I (1848), i, 88. 

"On the night of the last of January the Nuncio Don Pedro and I 
were invited to a ballet which the Queen danced at the Palace of Queen 
Marguerite, and there Don Pedro and I exchanged some slight words 
about titles. " A. Foscarini, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the 
Doge and Senate, 24 Feb. (O. S. 14) , 1608-9, in Calendar of State Papers 
Venetian, xi, No. 446. 

For the di^tails of the open fight between these two men, see idem. 
No. 905. 

= " It is thought that he |Giron] is staying on to compel the King to 

Court Masques of James I 

hatls, ' set aside from state purposes, were in constant 
readiness, and the whole working of governmental 
machinery was retarded. Society leaders, accustomed 
to retire frora London after Christmas with their long 
trains of followers, were forced to continue their London 
residence, all because the Spaniard would not go home. 

Finally, feeling that they were making enemies by 
retarding the machinery, of government and society 
and baffled in their efforts to secure invitation to The 
Masque of Queens, the Spaniards turned their attention 
toward procuring a place for the representative of 
their ally of Flanders. They hoped in this way at 
least to lessen the honour to France by causing the 
exclusion of the Venetian Ambassador.' 

In this latter Spain succeeded in her real purpose. 
The Flemish Ambassador was not invited, but the 
claims urged in his behalf succeeded in preventing 
the invitation of the ambassador from Venice.* The 

iavite him to her Majesty's masque, which in consequence of this nmj 
be put off again. All the same the Queen holds daily rehearsals and 
trials of the machinery." Coirer to the Doge and Senate, az Jan. 
(O. S. 13), 1608-9, in Calendar of State Papers Venetian, xi. No. 430. 

Cf. Appendix 39 

' ' ' To Sir Richardo Coningefbye . . . for makeinge readie the 
banquettinge houfe at Whitehall for the malke by the fpace of fower 
dales menfs Januarij 1608, btxviij' viij''. " Audit Office, Declared Ac- 
counts, Treasurer of the Chamber, B. 389, R. 46. Apparelling, etc. 

' The Venetian and the Flemish ambassadors ranked with each other 
as closely as the Spanish and the French and therefore were never 
invited together. The presence of an ambassador from an important 
power was supposed to add to the pubhcity and credit of the ambassador 
who was being given chief honour (see 4 ') except, of course, at times 
when the privacy and exclusiveness of the occasion advertised a greater 
honour still. See 52. Cf. also 41, 39 and the present occasion. 
Boderie reports to his govenmieiit that the only thing lackii^ in his 
entertainment was the absence of the Venetian Ambassador. "Une 
feule chofe m'y a fftch§, c'eCt que I'Ambaffadeur de Venife n'eu a point 
6ii. " de la Boderie, Ambassades. ^ See Appendix 38. 


Ascendency of France 55 

Queen had promised to secure an invitation for the 
Venetian. Now, however, she "let it be understood 
that she would be pleased if I [Venetian Ambassador] 
came incognito to the Masque and Lady Arabella 
invited my suite and offered them a place apart."' 

No invitation was offered to the French until the 
departure of the Spanish Ambassador. Even so late 
as January twenty-eighth, five days before the time set 
for the masque, Boderie informed Villeroy that he had 
not yet been asked to attend. But the Spaniard, he 
said, was then on the point of leaving and he beUeved 
the English would surely invite him in exchange for 
the favours just given the English Ambassador at the 
French Court. These favours, Boderie writes, he 
had taken pains to bring to the notice of "Count 

Finally Giron ("seeing that the King was determined 
to invite to witness the dance, the French Ambassador 
who was omitted last year and had orders from his 
Master that if that happened again, he was to leave the 
Court at once"),^ decided not to increase the ladies' 
feeling of unpleasantness for himself by causing the mas- 
que to be again postponed.* So he went ten miles out 
to Theobald's on Tuesday to take final leave of James I, 
and on Wednesday he left London.^ Immediately 
after Giron's departure, the King returned to the city, 
called the Council, decided to invite the French and 
the French only, and Anne and her masquing mates 
wearied from their extra month's practice, finally 
performed the long deferred Masque of Queens on 

ndlemas Day, Thursday, February the second.' 

f. Calendar of State Papers Venetian, i\. No. 439. 
w Appendix 39. ' See Appendix 38. 

* See supra, 53. s See Appendix 38. ' See ibid. 


Court Masques of James I 

The French Ambassador, filled with glee, wrote two 
long letters to the French Court on Friday, February 
third (O, S.). Not only were he and his wife invited 
but he had the honour of supping with the King, the 
Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York, while his wife 
supped with the Princess. The masque he pronounced 
more superb than ingenious, but the thing in which he 
was interested was the behaviour of the King, who 
declared that the masque was intended to announce 
the English partiality for the King of France and the 
French Ambassador over all others. He had never 
wished, James said, to invite any one else to The Masque 
of Queens, not even the Venetian Ambassador, for he 
wished this f§te to be wholly for Boderie. ' He rejoiced 
infinitely that his own wishes and those of the King of 
France were in such conformity as was evinced by 
the recent treatment of James's Ambassador in Paris, 
for whose entertainment and that of the "Viscomte de 
Crambome" he charged Boderie to extend his thanks 
to Henry IV. 

Boderie thanked James for his expressions of kindli- 
ness toward France and begged pardon for the ve- 
. hemence of his own behaviour on the occasion of Tke 
Masque of Beauty, citing Spanish impudence as the 

The French Ambassador bragged to the home court 
that before and after supper and during all the masque 
James spent the entire time in entertaining him, and 
that during an intermission of the masque the gorgeous 
"Bel-Anna," chief Queen of the masquers, approached 
his wife and before aU the company poured upon her a 
thousand demonstrations of affection. Even Boderie's 
little daughter, the father announces, shared the Queen's 

' See Appendix 40. 




Ascendency of France 57 

caresses, for the young Charles, Duke of York, having 
been taken out to dance by one of the masquers, sought ' 
out the little Mademoiselle and "took her out." 

Queen Anne had intended the same honour for 
Eoderie but the Ambassador explains that since he was 
no dancer and since he had no desire to make a laughing 
stock of himself as the Spanish Ambassador had done, 
the year before, he had early begged the Queen, through 
one of her women, to excuse him. Queen Anne took 
out Bressieux instead. 

During the evening, Boderie declares, he was treated 
always with such demonstrations of good will that 
Henry IV should be fully satisfied. For himself, 
"if he did not know the story of the ass that bore the 
relics, he should be most vain. " 

The Frenchman closed the recital of his victory with 
a comparison of the favours shown to himself at the 
Masque oj Queens and the treatment of the Spanish 
Ambassador the year before at The Masque oj Beauty, 
Spain he declares was not invited by the King, nor 
did the Spanish Ambassador eat with his Majesty, 
Neither the King nor the Queen spoke to the Spaniard 
during the entire performance of The Masque of Beauty, 
and as he departed everyone looked askance at him. 

Boderie reiterates that James and Salisbtiry made 

iblic that The Masque of Queens was given because 
the English love of France. Both the King and 
Salisbury took occasion during the masque, under cover 
of the friendly influence of the evening's entertainment, 
to discuss international diplomatic conditions and to 
inquire five or six times, why an Ambassador from Spain 
should remain so long in Paris. To the great rehef 
of Boderie, no word was said about the debts which had 
leen so successfully used in silencing the French com- 

Court Masques of James I 

plaint for being excluded from The Masque of Beauty 
the year before. ' 

The Masque of Queens was the fourth great Court 
masque of Queen Anne. Invitations to the first three 
were captured and used by Spain as an advertisement of 
close friendliness between Spain and England, His- 
torians will be able to read the full significance of the 
French conquest in the fourth. 

King Henry IV sent his thanks to Boderie and to 
James I, to whom he promised a continuance of fra- 
ternal friendship between the two coimtries, in testi- 
mony of his appreciation for the favours shown him 
through his Ambassador on the masquiog evening. ■* 

Puisieux sent with his congratulations to Boderie, 
a statement that the masque had a large influCTice in 
shaping the conditions of the treaty of peace, then in 
process of making, in which all the Powers of Europe 
were expected to concur, ^ and Villeroy observed that 

■ Supra 41 , Appendix 40. Cf. also Appendix 41 . 

' " S. M. s'eft rejouie en gSn^ral avec ledit ambaffadeur des temoign- 
ages que le Roi fon bon frere a vouler lui rendre en votre perlonne 
dansce demiere ballet de la Reine fa bonne loeur, de la continuation de 
fa fraternelle amiti^ & 1'en a remerci^; lui difant apThs que quand el!e 
auroit vn vos lettres elle redoubleroit ledit remerciment," Villeroy to 
Boderie,z7Feb. (O. S. 17), 1608-9, in de la Boderie, .4 mftaisodes, iv, 251, 

' "J'estime auffi que le denionftration que vous avez faite de vous 
retirer plutflt que de fouffrir une indignity [cf . supra], n'y a peu avancfi 
en cette conjuncture des aSaires publiques; pour !e bien defquetles, au 
traits des Pays-Bas, M. Jeannin, que vous avez fgu fitre arriv^ k Anvers, 
fe loue grandement de la pr^ente conduite des EWput^ Anglois, & ne 
laifle toutefois de veiller foigneufement & ce qu'ils ne braftent quelque 
cas particulier, comme ils out accoutumg de faire quand ils en voient 
I'opportunit^, taut pour traverier le bien public & la gloire d'autrui, 
que pour ticher k s'attribuer le gr6 I'honneur du fucc^. " Puisieux 
to Boderie, 23 Feb. (O. S. 13), i6o8-g, in de la Boderie, Arnbassades, iv, 



Ascendency of France 59 

the affair would cement the friendship of England and 
Prance while it would serve to check the covetousness 
of Spain. ' 

The correspondence between the French Ambassador 
and his government, approximately half of which had 
been devoted to the masque for the past three months 
or so, now took up questions concerning the peace and 
other matters of state.' Speculation over a Spanish- 
English marriage alliance ceased, and in its stead 
attention was turned toward a rumoured union between 
France and England. * 

Notwithstanding all Boderie's gleeful declaration of 
complete understanding, notwithstanding the friendly 
exchange of gratulation between Henry and James, 
matters at Court were not wholly satisfying. Whether 
England was unwilling to be forced further from her 
negative policy, or whether there was other cause, 
does not appear. In any case no public Court masques 
are recorded for the Christmas season, 1609-10. How- 
ever the following June (1610) had been appointed for 
the "Creation" of the Prince of Wales. So great an 
event called for the most elaborate entertainment. 
The Queen set herself to the preparation of Tethys' 
Festival, written by Samuel Daniel in the Prince's 
honour, and the King issued a warrant of unlimited 

. amount upon his treasury for her use. '' 

I What the struggle over Tethys' Festival might have 

'"et enfin fur ce!a il a fiW tenu plufierses bonsproposfurla cooferva- 
tioa & augmentation de la conne amiti^ intelligence qui doit ftre 
entre les deux Roia, pour fervir de bride S. la coQVoitife d'Efpagne. " 
Villeroy to Boderie, 27 Feb. (O. S. 17), 1608-9, in dela Boderie, Amboi- 
sades, iv, 251 . • See de la Boderie, Ambasiodes, iv, passim. 

> " Pour le manage de monfeigiieur le Dauphin avec leur PrincefCe, " 
Btc. Boderie to Viceroy, 22 Feb. (0. S. 12), 1608-9, in de la Boderie, 
Ambaisades, iv. 342. * See Appendis 42. 


Court Masques of James I 


been is only a matter for conjecture for the sudden 
death of the King of Prance removed the question of 
the French Ambassador's invitation, during the period 
of mourning, and left the English Court no excuse for 
refusing an invitation to Spain. There was a slight 
altercation when the Spanish Ambassador objected to 
the presence of the representative of the Dutch, whose 
independence Spain was not yet willing to recognise. 
He was quieted however by having the Dutchman 
placed at the masque in a box lower than his own, and 
near the Venetian. ' 

The recent assassination of the King of France, which 
terrorised the English Coiirt, the struggle between James 
and his Parliament for money, and the affair of Cleves, 
occupy most of the correspondence of the time. 

The death of the French King and the consequent 
regency of Marie de M6dici called for a new political 
adjustment in Europe. ' The destruction of the House 
of Austria, J which had been the pet scheme of Henry 
IV, was put aside and France listened with apparent 
satisfaction to a proposal from Spain for a double 
marriage alliance. ^ 

' See Appendix 43. 

' "The death of Henry IV, early in 1610, postponed for thirteen years 
the development of the anti Spanish-Austrian policy which would have 
governed the course of events. Marie de M^did, the Queen Regent, 
and her ministers Villeroy and Sillery, were Spanish in sympathy and 
firmly resolved that no breach should occur during the King's minor- 
ity." Horatio F. Brown in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xii, 
Preface, jisvii and xiviii. ' See supra, 47. 

« "Immediatenient aprfes le mort d'Henri IV, I'idSe d'une alliance 
da famille entre les deux cours [Spain and France], avait reparu, Le Due 
de Feria envoys en France comine ambassadeur extraordinaire pour 
faire 4 Louis XIII les compliments, 6tait autorissiS par ses instructions 
k parler d'une double tttariage." Ernest Lavisse, Histoire de France, 
par Jean H. Mariejol (Paris, 1905), torn, sixi&me, ii, 147. 

See infra. Chap. Ill, marriage of Louis XIII et D'Anne D'autriche 


Ascendency of France 6i 

During the minority of Louis XIII, the Queen 
Regent and her ministers were unwilling to stir up 
trouble with anyone. The advent of a new King to 
the French throne and the change in policy, necessi- 
■ tated new treaties. One treaty drawn up by the 
ministers of England and France was presented for the 
French King's signature in September, 1610. The 
Enghsh wished for this treaty the widest publicity, 
so that the continued friendhness between England and 
France might be acclaimed to all the world. But 
France was inclined to spare the feelings of Spain and 
to minimise the importance of the treaty by accom- 
panying the signature with as scant ceremonial as 


When the treaty had received the signature of 
France, Monsieur de Laverdin was appointed from the 
French Court to carry it to England for the signature 
of James. The English Court planned for such an 
entertainment of de Laverdin that all the world should 
know of his presence in England and of the purpose 
of his coming. With this end in view, the English 
announced that the two great masques in process of 
preparation were "particularly directed to honotir this 
mission. "" The Queen was given unlimited order 

(Z& Nov. 1615) See also Samuel R. Gardner, History of England, 
ltfoj-;-(5?4,(i883), ii,99. 

•"The Ambassadors extraordinary and ordinary of England on learn- 
ing that their Majesties were to go to MonceauK before going to Rheims 
suspected that this was done so as to swear the treaty with England in a 
small villE^e to avoid offending the Spanish Ambassador. " Antonio 
Fascarini. Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate, 
21 Sept. iO.S. il),l6lO,Jn Calendar of StaU Papers Keneiian,xii.No.58. 

■"The masques which the Queen and Prince are preparing are 
particularly directed to honour this mission [de Laverdin's} which baa 
been sent on purpose at this Christmastide so as to admit of still greater 
favour being shown to the marsh all. " Correr, Venetian Ambassador in 


Court Masques of James I 

upon the exchequer for all sums required for the i 
the masquers.' and men high in office were occupied 
with masquing matters to the neglect or delay of other 
business of state. 

To instire de Laverdin's presence in England during 
the masquing season when the masques might be used 
to proclaim more loudly the purpose of his presence, 
King James requested the French government to 
postpone the Ambassador's departure from France 
for some weeks after the date originally intended. 
This they did, but to the chagrin of the English, de 
Laverdin continued to postpone his coming until the 
masquing season was well-nigh over. ' The delay may 
have been caused by business, or by Court mourning, 
as the Venetian Ambassador suggests; ( 

England to the Doge and Senate, in Calendar of Stale Paptrs VeneHan, 
irij. No. 153. ' See Appendii 44. 

'"My duty to your lo. most humbly remembered. Your lo. bra 
came hither to day ahout noone but his ma'v was abroad to as I could 
not sooser dispatch and wold not haue sent y part so lata but that I 
haue order to send to my lo. of Worcester about the maske matten 
which requireth some speed . . . 

" From the Coart at Royaton this 22 Nouember, 1610. 

" Your lo, most humbly to comand, 

"Tho: Lake." 

"To the right honourable my singular good Eo. the Earle of Salis- 
bury lo. high ThrS. of England." 

In Public Record O&ce, State Papers Domestic James /, Iviii.No.ay. 

i"The court passed these days of Cliristmastide in festivity and 
rejoicing. The King wished the Marshall de Laverdin, Ambassador 
Extraordinary of France, to arrive here at this juncture and accordin^y 
he caused the Marshall to postpone his departure some weeks agft; 
but now M . de Laverdin either kept back by business or resolved not 
to go to dances, as he is still in mourning, did not reach Calais till Mon- 
day last, and is kept there by the wind. " Marc' Antonio Correr, to the 
JDoge and Senate, 14 January (O. S. 4), 1611, in Calendar of Slai% m 
Papers Venetian, sii. No. 159, 


Ascendency of France 63 

as the outcome would seem to indicate, ' by the same 
motive which induced the French to seek as much 
secrecy and lack of display as possible for the ratifica- 
tion in France." 

De Laverdin's long delay caused the Court to make 
such changes in the Christmas programme as to prevent 
the season from being entirely bare of festivity, and, 
at the same time, to save the greatest function for its 
original purpose. Therefore the Queen's masque, Ben 
Jonson's Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly, which 
was to have preceded the Prince's,^ was put off to 
await de Laverdin's coming.* Oberon by the same 
author, the last great masque played by Prince Henry, 
was given on the night of January first. To Prince 
Henry's masque, the Ambassadors of Spain and Venice 
were invited. = But there was no loud acclaim, as in 
the diplomatic correspondence of the early years of 
James I, of the Queen's favouritism, * or of the elegant 
dress* or successftil dancing of the Spanish Ambassador. ' 

Whether James turned to his foreign guest for ap- 
proval of the gratulation tendered himself and his son 

' Sesinfra. ' See supra, 6i '. 

• "The King is pleased that the approaching Christmas she [Queen 
Anne] should give another masque of Ladies; it will precede the 
Prince's masque and neither will be so costly as last year's which to say 
sooth was excessively costly. " Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambas- 
sador in England to the Doge and Senate, 2 Dec. (O. S. 22 Nov.) 1610, 
in CaUrtdar of State Papers Venetian, jdi, No. 125. 

' "The Queen's masque is put off to the Feast of the Purification; 
either because the stage machinery is not in order or because their 
Majesties thought it well to let the Marshall [de Laverdin] depart first' ' 
(probably from France since he had not yet arrived at the English 
Court). Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambassador in England to 
the Doge and Senate, 21 January (O. S. 11), 1611, in Calendar of Slate 
Papers Venetian, xii. No. 164. ' See Appendix 45. 

* See supra, 9 '. ' Supra, ig. ' Supra, 16. 

64 Court Masques of James I 

the "princely Oberon"' by the "Paies," whether the 
little "Duke's" dancing in the centre of the fairy 
circle' caused comment, or whether the " great empress " 
when called forth for the dance, 

/ Fate and these beauties will suspect 
That their forms you do neglect, 
If you do not call them forth. 


offered the Spaniard and his family the same favours as 
she poured upon the French Ambassador at The Masqtie 
of Beauty two years before. ^ there is at present no means 
of knowing. The reader must himself be judge of the 
significance of the omission of such remarks from the 
correspondence of the time. 

The Venetian reported that the Ambassadctt of the 
United Provinces was given invitation but "feigned 
displeasure. " * 

' " So that true to call 
Him by his title is to say, He 's all, " etc. 

Ben Jonson, Works (1903), iii, 76. 

' See Ralph Winwood, Memorials {1S25), 180-1. 

' See supra, 56. * See Appendix 45. 

Since the English Court could not invite together Ambassadors from 
two powers between which there was a dispute over the matter o£ 
precedence, it was not unusual where possible, to conciliate the ambassa- 
dor who was not to be present by extending to >iim an invitation upon 
condition that he would refuse it. See infra. 

Indicationof change in Spanish influence may be found by comparison 
of the following; 

On 29 July (O. S. 19) 1609 Correr wrote to the Doge and Senate; 
"The Spanish and the party of the Archduke do not like to hear him 
[Caron, Dutch Ambassador] called Ambassador, " in Calendar of StaU 
Papers Venetian, xi. No. 564. 

On 15 January (O. S. 5), 1610, Correr wrote again; "The Ambassador 
of the States has never been in the same company with the Spanish 
Ambassador, and so in order to avoid a scandal, instead of being invited 
to the tourney he will be invited to dine with the King on Sunday," 
"a Calendar of State Papers Venetian, xi, No. 763. 


Ascendency of France 65 

Finally, after a long period of waiting, which almost 
exhausted the patience of the English Court," de 
Laverdin arrived." 

On the Simday preceding the first of February the 
ceremony of "swearing the treaty" took place. The 
remainder of the day was spent in feasting and in 
dancing. The understanding between France and 
Spain is measured by the unseemly haste with which 
France attempted to recall her Ambassador, almost if 
not quite as soon as the treaty was signed. The 
message was brought by ' ' couriers express ' ' who caiised 
a rumotir to be spread that France believed herself to 
be on the verge of war and she wished de Laverdin 
to hasten home. ^ 

But for reasons before shown,* Queen Anne and her 
masquing mates had been impatiently awaiting his 

At the Masque of the Prince's Creation, Caron was invited and pre- 
sent but in a subordinate place, See Supra, 60; also Appendix 43. 

On the present occasion he was again refused invitation. 

■ See supra, 63 ' 

' " M. de Laverdin after waiting eleven days in Calais and putting to 
sea four times crossed over yesterday, but with so much difficulty that 
one of his escort and part of his crew are held for lost. He had to land 
on the beach and he has sent up for carriages and other necessaries. " 
Marc' Antonio Correr to tie Doge and Senate, ai January {O S. il), 
1611, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xii, No. 164. 

> "After the ceremony of swearing the treaty in the Royal chapel on 
Sunday last, his Majesty kept the Marshal de Laverdin and the Lieger 
to dinner with him and the Prince, his son; and the day was passed in 
the usual dancing. . . . The Marshall is hurrying his departure, 
urged, a3 he says fay couriers express; nothing keeps him but the Queen's 
Masque, which takes place the day after to-morrow. The couriers from 
France have caused a rumour to spread that peace will not last long 
in that kingdom. Here they regret it, because they desire its continu- 
ance and because the renunciation of Sully causes alarm as to the 
suppression of the Huguenots. " Marc' Antonio Correr to the Doge 
and Senate, 11 Feb. (O. S. 1), 1610-11, in Calendar of Slate Papers 
Vmelian.xii, 115 No. 175. * Supra, b^. 

66 Court Masques of James I 

coming and practising, Love Freed from Ignorance and 
Folly for more than a month alter all was in readi- 
ness. ' De Laverdin was therefore induced to remain for 

some days after signing the treaty in order that he 
might lend his presence to the exploitation of the 
greatness of "Britain" and her King "Albion." 

Britain 's the world, the world without. 
The King 's the eye, as we do call 
The sun the eye of this great all. 
And is the light and treasure too; 
For 't is his wisdom all doth do. 
Which still is fix6d in his breast, 
Yet still doth move to guide the rest. 
The contraries which time till now 
Nor fate knew where to join, or how. 
Are Majesty and Love; which there 
And nowhere else, have their true sphere. 
Now, Sphinx, I 've hit the right upon, 
And do resolve these All by one: 
That is, that you meant Albion.^ 

If there was really urgent business of state it was 
forced to wait the Queen's masque. The magnificence 
of his entertainment may be guessed from the fact 
that " Lambeth Houfe remains in readinefs to lodge him, 
and the revenues of that Bifhoprick may (erve to en- 
tertaine him,"^ and from the fact that some days after 
the masque, he departed laden with "upwards of four 
thousand ounces of silver-gilt plate [from the King] 
and from the Queen a diamond of great value. " 

De Laverdin seems to have been personally very 

' Cf. 65 *; also 63 1. ■ Ben Jonson, Works, iii, 80. 

' Mr. John More to Sir Ralph Winwood in John Nichols, Progressis ] 
of Kins Jaftes the First (1828), ii, 371-2; also in Ralph Winwood, ^ 
Memorials, iii, 339. 


Ascendency of France 

much flattered over the grand reception which England 
had given him • and France did not seem inclined toward 
unfriendliness. But if England had hoped to make 
trouble between France and Spain, she was doomed to 
disappointment . 

Less than two months elapsed after the return of 
de Laverdin from London before a defensive alliance 
was signed between France and Spain (30 April, 1611), 
in which the two countries mutually agreed to help 
each other against all enemies from within or without.' 

To celebrate this treaty a Franco-Spanish marriage 
alhance was announced by Marie de Medici in the 
French Council, 26 Jan. (O. S. 16), 1611.* The policy 
of the French Queen had triumphed. Marie de Medici 
celebrated this triumph and the betrothal with an 
elaborate series of masques and ffites famed throughout 
France for their magnificence. The French Court 
was full of unusual gaiety during the Christmas season, 
1611-12, and every Sunday in February a masque was 
danced at the Louvre by the Dukes of Vendflme and of 
Chevreuse and Bassompiere. * 

It was a season of most unusual activity in the 
French Court. The indoor masques of the Sunday 
evenings were only the nucleus of the big masques 
which, as was the custom on big occasions, = proclaimed 

• "We have no account of the Marshall's entertainment here; but 
Feb. 28, 1610-11, Mr. Beaulieu thus writes from Paris to Mr. Trumbull 
at Brussels; The Mareschall de Laverdin is so ertraordinary well 
satisfied with his usage in England, as no man ever spake more in the 
commendfttion of the King and the Country than he doth, and generally 
all those of his company. And to make his Majestie's libaralitie appear 
the better towards him, he hath openly set up his present of rich plate, 
which is valued at 7 or 8000 crowns, to be seen by the Queen and tho 
whole Court," in Ralph Winwood, Memorials, m, 262-3. 

' See Appendix 46. 'See Appendix 4.7. *See Appendix 47. 

s Cf. irtfra. The Masques of the Inns of Court, 74 f. 

68 Court Masques of James I 

the new European policy to the world. At the " Palace 
Royale. " the ffites under the patronage of the Queen, 
the Princesses, and the Ladies of the Nobility, lasted 
three days "(5, 6 et 7 avril)" and were seen by two 
hundred thousand people. The " Chateau de la Ffilicitfi" 
was exhibited by the Dukes of Guise and of Nevers, with 
their followers decked out in gold and silver embroidery, 
carrying lances and red standards, the reign of felicity 
being proclaimed by trumpets, drums, clarions, etc. ' 

This was followed by a sham battle of symbolic 
purpose, a parade of various troupes, horsemen, mu- 
sicians, captive kings, two elephants, two rhinoceroses, 
etc., and sibyls singing the praises of the Queen Regent. 
At night the Palace of Felicity was fired and dis- 
appeared amidst the sound of trumpets, drums, and 
clarions, in wondrous figures of flame. 

On Friday, in order that all Paris might get the benefit 
of the show, the brilliant cavalcade paraded the streets 
on either side of the Seine to the "Pont-neuf " where 
they dispersed. On Saturday the Parisians had run- 
ning at the ring, and in the evening a salute of two 
hundred cannon; fireworks in front of the Hotel de 
Ville and an illumination of the city with coloured 
paper lanterns so numerous that to people of that day 
the whole city seemed ablaze. ' 

These French masques and ffites were used in much 
the same way and served much the same purpose as the 
masque which the EngHsh Court had used the year 
before to announce to the world the English-French 
treaty*; or as the celebrated series of masques through 
which England proclaimed a change of policy in the , 
following year. ♦ 

■ Supra, 67: ' See Appendix 47. 

s See supra, 61 f, ' See infra, 72 f . 

II Ascendency of France 6g 

The French celebration covered a period from the 
Christmas time to some time in April, and was of 
' sufficient length and elaborateness to attract the 
attention of all the courts represented in Paris. As in 
England, the French employed the best efforts of 
writers, musicians, artists, etc., among whose products 
the still famed effort of Rubens in the Louvre will 
perhaps be best remembered. Since the present treat- 
ment limits itself to English masques, it seems imwise 
at this point to spend more time upon the masques of 
other European courts. 

While such gaiety proclaimed the betrothal of France 
and Spain, the English Court seems to have been un- 
usually quiet. The expense accounts indicate that a 
masque was performed during the Christmas season, 
i6ri-i2,' and Brotanek' (followed by Reyher^) has 
concluded that Ben Jonson's Love Restored was pre- 
sented at this time. Whatever may have been the 
conditions surrounding this masque, it seems to have 
been lacking in diplomatic significance, since no single 
word, so far found, in all the correspondence, makes 
mention of it, nor of the presence or absence of 

From about 1608' to 1610, England had sided, so far 
as her peace poHcy would allow, with Henry IV, 
whose sympathies were against Spain and with the 
Huguenots. Henry's death in 1610, and the triumph 
of the Catholic party under Marie de Medici, deprived 
James I of his best continental ally. 

There had been much speculation concerning James's 

'See Lansdowne MSS., 164 f. 2, II, 14, 28, and 30. Additional 
iiSS., 12498 f. 61. Collon MS. Titus B., iv t. 373. 

'See Rudolf Brotanek, Die EngUschtn Maskenspiele (1902), 346-9. 
'See Paul Reyher, Les Masques Anglais (1909), 531. 
*See3upra, 47. 


70 Court Masques of James I 

final attitude toward the political differences between 
Catholicism and Protestantism. Some historians 
think that Protestantism had more to offer James's 
vanity, as head of the combined Protestant forces. 
But there were questions concerning England's wishes 
in the matter and the needs of national preservation — 
all of which, however, belong to the realm of history 
proper. ' 

It is sufficient to note here that England saw fit to 
join its political forces with those of Protestantism by 
a marriage alliance with the Coimt Palatine of the 
Rhine' — the head of the Protestant League. To an- 
nounce to the continent so important a diplomatic 
venture required such elaborate entertainment as almost 
impoverished the English King.'' 

But France had just spent some three months in 
loudly proclaiming her poHcy; and England, always 
noted for the lavishness of her entertainment, m.ust 
not be behind. The Thames must thunder louder 
than the Seine.'' Magnificent spectacular displays 
were arranged for the avowed purpose of letting 
strangers know that though England's policy was 
toward peace, she was able to enforce respect if need 
be through war.^ 

Costumes were provided of such "gorgeousness" 
that one Ambassador says "the imagination could 

■ "A gentleman in Loid Salisbury's confidence said to me that in 
Spain they found chicanery and in France indecision. The Frieod- 
ship of the United Provinces is sure and lasting." A. Foscarini, VeoetUa 
Ambassador in England to the Doge and Senate, 30 Sept. (O. S. lO), 
I6n, in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xii, 341. 

" See S. R. Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642, ii, 162. 

'/6«(.,Gardinerplacesthecostat £60,000, $15,000,000 to $18,000,001) 
of our money to-day. 

' See supra, 68 ; infra, 75. s See Appendix 48. 


Ascendency of France 71 

hardly grasp the spectacle. The King's cloak, breeches 
and jacket were all sewn with diamonds, a rope and 
jewel of diamonds also in his hat, of inestimable 
value. The Queen had in her hair so great a nmnber of 
pear-shaped pearls,' the largest and most beautiful 
there are in the world; and there were diamonds all 
over her person, so that she was ablaze. "' 

Nor were the Royalty alone extravagant. "Lady 
Watton had a gowne that cost fifty pound [between 
$1,250 and $2,000] a yard the embroidering — the Lord 
Montague — bestowed fifteen hmidred pound [between 
$37,500 and $60,000] in apparell for his two daughters,"* 
and even one of the foreign Ambassadors wrote home 
that in order to ingratiate himself and his country into 
the goodwill of England ; 

"I must put my grooms and coachmen into liveries and 
cloaks of velvet and gold ; and I myself have worn a different 
dress each day, as is the custom of this Court. I have 
bought very fine horses and have given several banquets to 
the leading gentlemen and ladies, to the complete extinction 
of the one thousand five hundred crowns which were voted 
me by your excellencies' kindness; nay, I have even spent 
something over and above. I wUI continue to entertain 
others. Everything that is done to honour this wedding 
is very pleasing to their Majesties, the Prince and all the 

"The 4 honorable Innes of Court, af well the elders and 
graue Benchers of each houle, as the towardly yoong 

■ See Portrait of Queen Anne in National Portrait Gallery. 

' Antonio Foscarini, Venetian Ambassador in England to the Dc^e 
and Senate, i March (O. S. 19 Feb.). 1613, in Calendar of State Papers 
Venetian, rii, 498, No. 775. 

' Chamberlain to M"f Carleton, 18 February, 1612-3, "i ^''^'^ Papers 
Domestic Jamu I, bmii, No, 30. 

* Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, I March, 1G13, in Calendar of 
State Papers Venetian, ni, 49S, No. 775, Cf. Appendix 52, 

actiue gallant Gentlemen of the fame boufes, being of 

infinite defire to expreffe their fingular loue and duteous 
affection to his maieftie, and to performe feme memorable 
& acceptable fervice worthy their own reputation, in honor 
of this nuptiall. & thereupon confulted, and agreed amongft 
themfelues to Cette out two rich and ftately maCks, and 
to performe them brandy, without refpect to charge or 
expences." ' 

Successful masque writers vied with each other to 
tell the story of the great diplomatic union in a series 
of three masques, the beauty, extravagance and display 
of which the world had probably never known. 

The Masque of Lords, written by Thomas Campion 
for the marriage evening, February 14, 1613, celebrated 
the " Additur Germanise Robur Britannicum : ecquid esse 
par potest? " ' proclaimed by the sibyl as she had the year 
before sung the praises of the Queen Regent in Paris.* 

The Venetian Ambassador says this first masque, 
"which was at the King's charges, and was danced by 
ladies and gentlemen of title, was remarkable for the 
decoration of the theatre, for three changes of scene, 
for the dresses, and for nine choruses of voices and in- 
struments";* and again he writes: 

" In the evening I was at the Masque which was veiy 
beautiful, with three changes of scene. First of all 
certain stars danced in the heavens by a most ingenious 
device ; then came a dance of children ; finally of lords 
and ladies. "' 

•John Stowe, Annales (1615), 916. 

' Thomas Campion, Masque of Lords, in the " Sibylla's " speech. 

' See supra. 

* Antonio Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, 10 May (O. S. i), I6i3i 
in Calendar of Stale Papers Venetian, xia, 531, No. 832. 

( Antonio Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, 1 March (O, S. FbI>. 
19), i6i3,ia Calendar of State Papers Venetiati,Tdi,^gS,tio. 775. 


Ascendency of France 73 

Chamberlain alone is less enthusiastic. He says, 
"that night was the Lords Mafke whereof I heare no 
great commendation fave only for riches, theyre devifes 
being long and tedious and more like a play than a 

The masque of the second evening, February fif- 

:nth, was written by George Chapman for the Middle 
'emple and Lincoln's Iim. It proclaimed the English 
interest in America, and prophesied for the married 
pair honour and riches such as they beHeved would come 
from the great gold mines of "Virginia."" 

But the audience which could be accommodated in 
Whitehall (even though "there was a courfe taken and 
fo notified that no lady or gentlewoman fhold be ad- 
mitted to any of thefe fights w"" a verdingale, w^ 
was to gaine the more roome, "* and even though, 
"there were more fcaffolds and more provifion made 
for roome then ever I faw both in the hall and bankett- 
ing roome, befides a new roome built to dine fup and 

Cf. " In the end of the first part of this song, the upper part of the 
scene was discovered by the sudden fall of a curtain; then in clouds of 
several colours {the upper part of them being fiery, and the middle 
heightened with silver) appeared eight stars of extraordinary bigness, 
which so were placed as that they seemed to be fixed between the firma- 
ment and the earth. In the front of the scene stood Prometheus, attired 
as one of the ancient heroes. " Thomas Campion, The Masque of 
Lords, in H. A. Evans, EngUsk Masques, 76. 

"John Chamberlain to M"' Carleton, 18 February, 1612, in Slate 
Papers Domestic James I, Ixxii, 30. 

' "In August, 1613, favourable news reached England from Virginia 
of the capture of the chief Powhatan's daughter, the famous Pocahon- 
tas, and the consequent readiness of the chief to make terms of peace, 
with an offer to show the settlers some rich gold mines. The Earl of 
Arundel told Barbarigo what excitement this news had caused in 
England, where large sums had been promised for a fresh return. " 
Allea B. Hinds, in Cdendar of Slate Papers Venetian, xiii, Preface, xxv. 

* See Chamberlain to M"* Carleton, 18 February, 1612-13, io State 
Papers Domestic James I, kxii, No. 30. 

Court Masques of James I 

daunce in") was not large enough for England's adver- 
tising purposes. Paris had shown its "Chateau de la 
Ffelicit^"' to two hundred thousand people and then 
felt the need of parading the streets on either side of 
the Seine in order to make its proclamations loud 
enough, so "Upon Shroue-mundaie at night the gentle- 
men of the middle Temple and Lincolnes Inne with 
their Trayne for this bufineffe affembled in Chancery- 
LfEne, at the houfe of Sir Edward Philips, Maifter of 
the Rolles, and about eight of the clocke, they marched 
thence through the ftrand to the Court at Whitehall. "' 
The Venetian Ambassador in London gave official 
notification to his government that 

First came a hundred gentlemen on horseback, accom- 
panied by a hundred grooms with lights in their hands. 
Then followed a little Masque on horseback with a large 
number of torches all alone; then two triumphal cars with 
musicians dressed in silver with turbans on their heads. 
These represented the priests of the Sun in Virginia. Then 
came the great Masque, all being dressed in cloth and silver, 
golden suns and plumes. They represented Princes of 
Virginia with crowns of feathers and pearls on their heads, 
and their hair down to their shoulders as is the custom of 
that country; their horses, too, were all caparisoned in 
silver and suns. Then came a hundred blacks dressed in 
gold and blue, the dress of Indian slaves. Then came a 
great number of lights borne by men on horseback, dressed 
in silver and gold, like the great Masque except the crowns. 
Then a triumphal car with figures inside representii^ 
Honour and Riches, and round it marched two hundred 
halberdiers. When the King entered the Hall one saw 
a mountain all full of crags and on the top the Temple of 
Honour, made of Silver ; an octagon with silver statues round 
the cornice; on its summit two golden wings sprang from 
■ See supra, 68. ' John Stowe, Annaies (1G15), 916. 


Ascendency of France 


a silver ball, signifying that Fortune and her son Honour 
had resolved to settle forever in this Kingdom. Hard by 
the Temple was a wood and in it a huge tree-trunk which 
contained the whole of the Uttle Masque. Hardly had the 
King appeared when the crags came forward five paces 
towards his Majesty; Clouds gathered and the mountain 
split, and there appeared a rich mine of gold with all the 
Masque inside and a vast number of torches; it all took 
place in a moment. Then appeared the sun as at its 
setting; the priests adored it and part of them sang to lutes; 
they were answered by voices and instruments from the 
Temple, and from other parts of the Hall. Then Riches 
began to speak and again the crags moved; then after great 
eulogies of the couples, pronounced by Riches and Honour, 

»aU the Masque began to dance a ballet, with such finish 
that it left nothing to be desired.' 
The third masque produced for the occasion was 
written by Beaumont and presented by Francis Bacon 
for the Inner Temple and Gray's Inn. It was con- 
ceived by Bacon' to announce the union of England 
and the Palatine by "a marriage of the river of Thames 
to the Rhine. " ' 

Of this last masque, Chamberlain writes : 

On teufday yt came to Grayes Ynne and the inner 
Temples Tume to come w*"* theyre mafke. wherof S' 
Fra: Bacon was the chief e contriuer, and becaule the former 
came on horfe backe, and open chariots they made chufe to 
come by water from Winchester place in fouthwark: (w^ 
futed well enough w'** theyre deuile, w**" was the manage 
of the riuer of Thames to the Rhine: and theyre fhew by 
water was very gallant by reafon of infinite ftore of lights 
very curioufsely fet and placed: and many boats and barges 

' Antonio Foscarinj to the Doge and Senate, loMay, 1613, mCaie«dar 
of State Papers Venetian, xii, 531. No. 832. Cf. also Appendut 49 and 
50. 'See infra. 

Court Masques of James I 

vr^ deuif es of light and lampes w*? three peales of ordinance 
one at theyre taking water, another in the temple garden, 
and the last at thejTe landing, w*^ pafsage by water cost 
them better then three hundred pound: they were receued 
at the priuie stayres: and great expectation theyre was that 
they shold euery way exceed theyre competitors that went 
before them both in deuife daintines of apparell and above 
all in dauncing {wherein they are held excellent) and 
esteemed far the properer men : but by what yll planet yt 
fell out I know not, they came home as they went w**" out 
doing anything, the reafon whereof I cannot yet leame 
thoroughly, fo but only was that the hall was fo full that yt 
was not pofsible to auoyde yt or make roome for them 
befidcs that most of the Ladies were in the galleries to fee 
them land, and could not get in, but the worst of all was 
that the king was fo wearied and 0eepie w*** fitting vp 
almost two whole nights before that he had no edge to yt, 
wherupon S^ Fra: Bacon aduentured to interest his maiestie 
that by this difgrace he wold not as yt were bury them 
quicke and I heare the king fhold aunfwer that then they 
must burie him quicke for he could last no longer, but w"" 
aU gaue then very goode wordes and appointed them to 
come again on faterday: but the grace of theyre mafke is 
quite gon when theyre apparell hath ben already fhewed 
and theyre deuifes vented fo that how yt will fall out God 
knows for they are much difcouraged, and out of counte- 
nance, and the world fayes yt comes to pafse after the old 
proucrb the properer men the worfe lucke. ' 

Notwithstanding the disappointment of the mas- 
quers, the masque was successfully performed on the 
following Saturday : 

At the entrance of their Majesties and their Highnesses, 
one saw the scene, with forests; on a sudden half of it 

■ John Chamberlain to M™ Carletfcn, 
Papers Domestic James I, Ixxii, No. 30. 

18 Febmaiy, 1612-3, i 

Ascendency of France 77 

changed to a great mountain with four springs at its feet. 
The subject of the Masque was that Jove and Juno desiring 
to honour the wedding and the conjunction of two such 
noble rivers, the Thames and the Rhine, sent separately 
Mercury and Iris, who appeared; and Mercury then praised 
the couple and the Royal house, and wishing to make a 
ballet suitable to the conjunction of two such streams, he 
siimmoned from the four fountains, whence they spring and 
which are fed by rain, four nymphs who hid among the 
clouds and the stars that ought to bring rain. They then 
danced, but Iris said that a dance of one sex only was not a 
live dance. Then appeared four cupids, while from the 
Temple of Jove, came five idols and they danced with the 
stars and the nymphs. Then Iris, after delivering her 
speech, summoned Flora, caused a light rain to fall, and 
then came a dance of shepherds. Then in a moment the 
other half of the scene changed, and one saw a great plateau 
with two pavilions, and in them one hundred and fifty 
Knights of Olympus, then more tents like a host encamped. 
On the higher ground was the Temple of Olympian Jove 
all adorned with statues of gold and silver, and served by a 

^ number of priests with music and hghts in golden Candela- 
bra. The knights were in long robes of silk and gold, the 
priests in gold and silver. The knights danced, their 
robes being looped up with silver, and their dance repre- 
sented the introduction of the Olympian games into this 
kingdom. After the ballet was over their Majesties and 
their Highnesses passed into a great Hall especially built 
for the purpose, where were long tables laden with comfits 
and thousands of mottoes. After the King had made the 
round of the tables everything was in a moment rapaciously 
swept away. 

London 10*'' May 1613.' 

During all these magnificent nuptial festivities, 
■ FoGcarini to the Doge and Senate in Calendar of SlaU Papers Vene- 

78 Court Masques of James I 

there was no serious quarrel over the question of 
precedence between the two great powers most con- 
cerned. It was Spain, his "Catholic Majesty," who 
was most in danger from the pohcy proclaimed, ' and 
though the English offered the Spanish Ambassador 
the courtesy of an invitation to the wedding, it was 
probably expected that he woidd absent himself, as 
he did, on the usual excuse of illness. " 

The English admitted into the ceremonies themselves, 
on at least two occasions, things which must have 
grated upon the feelings of Spain ; first, in the naval 
display on the Thames the Saturday before the wedding, 
they depicted a sea-fight in which the Spaniards were 
defeated by the Turks,' and again, the new marriage 
room was decorated with tapestries proclaiming the 
naval victory of England over Spain in 1588.* 

The absence of the Spanish Ambassador from the 

• "The Council have asked several gentlemen what help they would 
give if this kingdom were ever harassed by foreigners, meaning the King 
of Spain. Many replied that they would keep at their own charges 
some two, some four and some even more infantry or horse during the 
whole time they might be needed. They were thanked and the offer 
accepted, should the need ever arise, and they say it may be nearer 
than is ecpected." A. Foscarini, Venetian Ambassador in England to 
the Doge and Senate, 8 March, 1613, in Calendar of Stale Papers 
Venetian, jrii, 783. 

'"The Spaniard, was or wold be ficke." John Chamberlain to Sr. 
Dudley CarJeton, 25 February, 1612-3, in Slate Papers Domestic James 
I, Ixxii, No. 48. See also Appendix 51, 

1 " They had sight of another argosay or galliaza which seemed to be 
Spain, which likewise, after a fierce conflict, they made prize of, and 
with much triumph tendered the same up also to the Turkish admiral. " 
John Nichols, Progresses, ii, 540. See also ibid. 529. 

'"All the great Lords of thepriuiecountell = the chiefe ladies of the 
Court & others, dined that day in the newe large roome, builded for 
ye purpofe, which roome was adorned with ftately hangings, curiouflie 
wrought, representing the fea fight between ye English and Spanish 
fleets in the yeere 1588." John Stowe, Annales {1615), 916. 



Ascendency of France 79 

wedding festivities easily gave the French Ambassador 
the lead, ' and reduced the quarrel over precedency to 
a struggle between the representatives of Venice and 
of the Archduke. ' 

An invitation was sent to the Ambassador of the 
Archduke telling him that since the French and Vene- 
tian Ambassadors were invited for the first day's 
solemnity of the marriage, the King requested his 
attendance at a later date. This Boiscot {the Arch- 
duke's Ambassador) refused, because he said he was 
unable to accept an invitation to a later function, when 
Venice was given priority of date, without prejudicing 
the cause of the Archduke. ' 

James answered this complaint in French explaining 
that the \^enetian Ambassador had "extraordinary 
allowance appointed" him from Venice to add to the 
pomp of the English occasion and that he paid the 
English the honour of putting his men into Hvery with 
like purpose, "Therefore his Majesty had all reason to 
ojrrefpond with the faid RepubHc in like civilities."' 

Having gained invitation with little opposition, France 
and Venice spent their time in efforts to heighten the 
honour paid them. The French Ambassador attempted 
to secure the privilege of preceding the Prince, and the 
Venetian objected to being seated at the wedding dinner 
on a stool; though the Prince was provided with nothing 
better, the bride and groom only, sitting on chairs.* 

' See CaiendaT cf Slate Papers Venetian, xii, 498. 

■ Ibid. ' See Appendix 51. * See Appendix 52. 

' "At this time the French & Venetian Ambafsadors invited to the 
marriage, were not free from punctillios, that made an offer to precede 
the Prince. Thb stood upon it, that they were not to sit at the Table 
without chaires (though the Prince, (the King not present) had but a 
ftoole (the Count Palatine, A- the Princefs only for the honour of the 
day, having chayres) and insisting upon a formality that the carver 

Court Masques of James I 

Serious embarrassment was caused to the wife of the 
French Ambassador, because the lady to whose seat 
she was assigned refused to move down until the 
French Ambassador threatened to go home.' 

Sir Noel Caron, Ambassador from the United Pro- 
vinces, was a "continually entertained guest during the 
foleranitie of the marriage" though of course in a 
minor place. He was the only member of the diplo- 
matic corps who seems to have made no trouble.' 

King James was so happy over the success of the 
masques (for which the masquers had 

"imployed the beft wits and fkilfulleft artizens in deuif- 
ing, compofing and creating their seuerall ftrange proper- 
ties, excellent fpeeches, pleafant deuifes and delicate 
mufique, braue in habite, rich in ornaments, in demeanor 
courtly, in their going by land and water very ftately and 
orderly : all which with their rare inuentions and variable en- 
tertainments of time were fuch as the like was neuer per- 
formed ill England by any Societie, and was now as gratioufly 
accepted off by his Maieftie the Queene. the Prince, the Bride 
and Bridegroome"),' Ithat he] "inuited the mafkers w'*" 
theyre afsistants to the number of forty to a folemne fupper 
in the new marriage roome where they were well treated and 
much graced w*"" kifsing his Ma*'," hand and euery one hauing 
a particular accoglienza from him the K. Q. P. Palatin and 
Lady Elizabeth fat at a table by themf elues : and the great 

was not to stand above him but neither of these prevailed in their 
reasonleCse pretences. " Sir John Finet's Observations in Lord Chamber- 
lain's office, Class Miscellaneous s. No. I , page i f. 

' See Appendijt 53. 

' "The AmbaXfador of the United Provinces {Sir Noel Caron) kept 
himfelte all this while quiet without qaeftion of prius or pcflerius, oc 
thnifting for publique note, being a continually entertained gueft 
during the foleranitie of the marriage." Ibid. 

'John Stowe, Annaies (16 ts), 916. 


Ascendency of France 

Lords and Ladies w"' the maJkers (aboue fowre-fcore in 
all) fat at another long table."' 

So England closed one of the most successful adver- 
tising campaigns, that the world had ever known. 
Considered aside from the diplomatic significance, the 
English were justified in complaining with John Cham- 
berlain that "this extreem cost and riches makes vs 
all poore, "' for even so early an estimate of the masques 
as that made by Foscarini in January, placed their 
"cost upwards of one hundred thousand crowns."' 
In addition to the initial expense England spent much 
for the demonstrations on parade; and private expenses 
were very heavy. Considered, however, as instruments 
of international policy for which the masques were 
used, * the cost of their production dwindles perceptibly. 
The present chapter has pointed out how, during 
the years between 1608 and 1614, the masque continued 
to be used, both in England and on the continent, as 
an instrument of state. Whether arranged for the 
specific and avowed piupose of achieving some diplo- 
matic advantage for England, or having a diplomatic 
significance forced upon it by continental representa- 
tives in the English Court, the masque is closely in- 
volved with the policies which finally ranged England 

■ John Chamberlain to St Dudley Carleton, 15 February, 1612-3, in 
Slate Papers Domestic, James I, burii, No. 48. 

'See, John Chamberlain to M™ Carleton, 18 February, 1612-3, 
in Stale Papers Domeslic. James I, bodi, No. 30. 

» See, Antonio Foscarini to the Doge and Senate, 11 January [O. S. ij, 
1613, Calendar of Slate Papers Venetian, xii, 473. 

* "Yesterday I recalled tbe question of audience to the Chambedain, 
who told me to come to the Palace to-morrow evening to see the Masque 
and that we would settle about the audience, I am bo highly honoured 
tbat there is nothing left for me to desire. " Antonio Foscarini to the 
Doge and Senate, i March [O. S. 19 Feb.], 1615, Caiendari^ SlaU Papers 
Venetian, xii, 500. No. 776. 

82 Court Masques of James I 

for the time being on the side of Protestantism. Its 
connections with the further workings of this policy 
remains for later treatment. 

Shakespeare was especially active as a dramatic 
writer in the early years of James I. The author hopes 
eventually, by showing how Shakespeare was employed 
in the masques and plays at Court, at least to open up 
a new field for further research. European archives 
and Etiropean collections are just beginning to yield 
their treasures, and the true literary history of the 
period of Shakespeare, with all its significance, is not 
yet wholly written. If each student of the period 
contributes but a mite of real truth, that real history 
may eventually be known. 




"I wrote to you of the reason of the delay of Taxis' [the Spanish 
Ambassador] audience; it remaineth to tell how jovially he behaveth 
himself in the interim. He hath brought great store of Spanish gloves, 
hawk's hoods, leather for jerkins, and moreover a perfumer; these 
delicacies he bestoweth amongst our Lords and Ladies, I will not say 
with a hope to effeminate the one sex, but certainly with a hope to grow 
gracious with the other, as he already is. The curiosity of our sex drew 
many Ladies and gentlewomen to gaze at him betwixt his landing place 
and Oxford his abiding place; which he, desirous to satisfy (I will not 
say nourish the vice) made his coach stay, and took occasion with petty 
gifts and courtesies to win soon won affections r who accompanying his 
manner with Monsieur de Rosy's [M. Rosny, French Ambassador 
Extraordinary] hold him their far welcome guest." Lady Arabella 
Stuart to Shrewsbury, 16 September (O. S. 6) 1603, in Edmund Lodge, 
lUuslralions, iii, 36. 

I should before have mentioned the Presents which I made in 
a the name of his most Christian Majesty [King Henry IVJ. 
That to King James was fix fine horses richly caparisoned; to which 
Henry also added another Gift, which ought to be efteemed still more 
considerable: this was the person of Saint- Anthony, in all refpecta 
the bef t and mof t compleat horf eman of the Age. That to the Queen of 
England was a large and raoft beautiful Venetian GlaXs, the Golden 
frame of which was covered with diamonds; and that to the Prince of 
Wales, was a Golden Lance and Helmet, aKo enriched with diamonds; 
a fencing-master and a vaulter. The Duke of Lenox, the Earl of 
Northumberland, in a word all thofe whom I have occafionally men- 
tioned befides fome others, were prefented, fome with Boxes, and others 
with Buttons, caps of Feathers, Rings, and chains of Gold and Dia- 
monds: Several Ladies aUo received Rings and Pearl Necklaces. The 
1 Value of all thefe presents, including twelve hundred crowns which I left 
I « 

Court Masques of James I 

with Beaumont, to be diftribuled in certain places amounted to taiy 
thousand crowns. Henry's views in making (o many rich Prefents, a 
considerable part of which were even continued as penfions, to £orae 
Englilh Lords were to ret^n them and attach them more Itrongly in 
his interests. " Duke of Sulley, Memoirs, (printed in Dublin, 1757), 

■■ I rendered his BritiTb Majefty my thanks in a fecond Letter: and to 
employ all forts of counter-Batteries againft the Spaniards, who fet 
no bounds to their Prefents: we imitated them in this relpect, aad even 
gave Penf ions to all the mof t diTtinguifhed Perfons in the Court of King 
James.- Ibid., 211. Ct. also supra, 4. 

"On Newyeares night we had a play of Robin goode-fellow and a. 

mafke brotight in by a magicien of China. There was a heaven built 
at the lower end of the hall owt of w ; owr magicien came downe and 
after he had made a long fleepy fpeech to the K; of the nature of the 
cuntry from whence he came comparing it w'. owrs for ftrength and 
plenty, he fayde he had broughte in cloudes ceriain Indian and China 
Knights to fee the magnificency of this court, and theruppon a trauers 
was drawne and the maskers teen fitting in a voulty place w*. theyr 
torchbearers and other lights w^ was no vupleafing fpectacle. The 
mafkers were brought in by two boyes and two mufitiens who began 
w^ a fong and whilft that went forward they presented themselves to 
the k: The first gave the k: an Imprefa in a fhield w*? a tonet in a paper 
to exprese his deuice and prefented a Jewell of 40,ooof vaiew w"?* the 
K: is to buy of Peter Van Lore, but that is more than euery man knew 
and it made a faire fhew to the French Ambafsadors eye whofe master 
would have bin well pleafed with fuch a mafkers present but not at that 
prife. The rest in theyr order deUuered theyr fcutchins w . letters and 
there was no great stay at any of them taue onely at one who was putt 
to the interpretaon of his deuite. It was a faire horfe colt in a faire 
greene field W; he meant to be a colt of Bufephalus race aad had this 
virtu of his fire that none could mount him but one as great at lest as 
Alexander. The k: made himself merry w ; threatening to fend this 
colt to the f table and he could not breake loofe till he promised to dance 
as well as Bankes his horfe. The first meafure was full of changes and 
feemed confufed but was well gone through w'; all, and for the ordinary 
meafures they tooke owt the Q: &c. " Carleton to Chamberlain, 15 
Jan., 1603, in Stale Papers Domestic, James I, No. 21. 


"Et d'autant que le soir auparavant jl m'avoit fait I'h 
m'inviter au Dimanche k Souper avec luy en priv6 dans fa chambre, 

et que i'avois differ^ de luy promettre jusques a ceque je luy e 
entendre le sujet qui me tenoit en suspens, je luy dis que □ 
vant bien de I'artilice de quel ques vns de sa cour pousser et gagner de 
I'anibassadeur d'espagne qui luy avoient cooseillS sous couleur de pr^ 
eminence mal fondeS de me prier pour voir le premier Ballet k fin que 
plus Justement jls luy reservassent la plat* en celuy de la Reine qui 
se devoit danser au vendredy dernier jour des testes de Noel selon 
la facon d'ang^ et le plus honnorable tout pour la, c^rftnonie qui Vy 
obserue de tout temps publiquement. " Letter from M. Beaumont 
to the French King, 13 January, 1604, in British Museum, Manuscript 
I Hoom, Kings MSS., cxriv, f. 675. 

§^ "Je luy envoiay le Sieur de Platteville auquel jl IJas. I] promit en 
mon nom avec vne extreme franchise ceque depuis lapresdined jl me 
confirma i moy ra6nie, lorsque luy declarant conime je ne pouvoig 
souffrir destre exclus par iedT ambassad^ et le grand jnter^st que j'avoia 
pour la reputation <Ie vfltre majesty & ne luy laisser prendre aucun 
avantage Sur moy, jl m'assura qu'i! avoit le matin expressmj pour ce 
fujet demand^ ^ la Reine li elle 6toit point engag^ de promesse avec 
luy, et que IedT Dame ayant repondu que non maia que feuiement IedT 
ambassadeur luy avoit fait tesmoigner vn extreme desir de voir son 
Ballet, alors il lavoit prieS dene luy point promettre davantage qu'il 
etoit aussi malais^ que luy et moy y fussions ensemble comme il jugeoit 
peut se&nt et raisoimable de ni^n esconduire pour les considerations que 
je luy avois raportefe neanmoins afin que la Reine eut lememe (ujet 
de f&tcuser de son costs qu'il me conseilloit de Ten requerir par oour- 
toiae a quoy je consenty volontiers mais avec cette condition que de 
rechef il me doaneroit Sa parole D'autaut que pour suivant cette chose 
par droit et non par faveur je ne me pouvois avec mon honneur mettre 
au hazard en estant refusiS par la Reine d'en estre esconduit par luy et 
perdre mon Rang ainsy il me promit denouveau, et fur fa promesse, je 
priay la Reine laquelle ne voulant ni rejetter ni accorder ma demande me 
dit assez jndifferemment qu'elle I'en remettoit k la volont6 du Roy, 
ceque luy ayant depuis raport^il me r^itera encore derechef Sa parole et 
m'assura que fi I'ambassadeur d'Eapagne venoit i le prier a prfes moy 
d^tre audTBallet dela Reine qu'il luy laisseroit la liberty deS'ytrouver, 
Sur quoy je luy dis qu'encore que je ne doutasse point qua Texemple des 
autres Ministres d'Espagne qui navoent jamais dispute a Borne !a pre- 
eminence qu'en fujrant jl sexcuseroit pllltflt que de comparoistre, 
Que neaatmoins Ci! etoit si outre cuidS al'Espagnol que derien pretendre 
en cette rencontre Sur ma place que je le tuerois k Ses pieds au hazard 
ie, De Sorte qiie je partis le dit Jour du Dimanche au soir avec 
Laquelle je garday jusque au mercredy XV^ IN. S.J 

Court Masques of James I 

t que le Sieur Cecil m'ayant convi^ i touper ea presence dea 
Sieurs Admiral Comte de Suffoc comle de neocher et MiUord Henry 
hannard me declara que le Roy eatoit a grand perpleriM d'autant qu'il 
scavoit la promesse qu'il m'avoit faite. Et que d'ailleura la Reme 
protestoit dene vouloir donser son Ballet que rambassadeur d'Espagne 
n'y fCt pr^nt, auquelle elle S'estoit secrettement engagde de parole. " 
Beaumont to Henry IV, 23 January, 1604 (N. S.) King's MSS., 
Ciniv, t. 706. 

"jeme suis rfeolu dema part contJnuer avec le Roy et eux la meme 
fagon de vivre que j'ay tLut jusques j'cy Dimanche dernier L'Ambassa- 
deur d'Espagne £ut au Ballet de la Reine selon son desir et souper avec 
le Roy en sa chambre centre la promesse qu'il m'avoit donne du con- 
traire ceque vous ajoaterez s'il vous plaist a I'histoire jl estoit vetu de 
rouge et dansa !a gaillarde fort gaiement en jeune homme de vingt 
ans aussy en avoitil fubit, car la £este (e faisant pour luy et la Reine 
portait en sa faveur vne escharpe et vne banderolle rouge ainsy qui 
morisset vous contera qui y fut present et lequel fur cette occasion j'ay 
pris la liberty sous vfltre faveur de gratifier de ce voiage vous fupliant 
de la meme renvoyer au plutost et me mandre par luy si lors que le 
Sieur Dannal sera arrivS je donneray le portrait de la Reine car vfl ceque 
s'estpassS, jeme rfeout d'attendrela volontSdesadT majesty." Letter 
of Beaumont to Villeroy, 23 Jan., 1604/5 in King's MSS., cxxiv, f. 720. 

"Et certe je ne doute aucunement de son [James I] jndination et 
bonne fay jagoit que je sois averty de divers endrois que je ne m'y^ 
dois pas fier a laenir comme j 'ay en occasion de fairecy devantpour 1' au— •: 
torit^ et puissaace qu'ont les Espagnois Sur ses volontez Lesqael^K^ 
ballacent clairement du cos'W d'Espagne comme vous avez eprouv^ 
enla journfe du Ballet de la Reine Laquelle s'est tant declarSe et engag^tf 
en cette occasion que je dois dov^navant non leuleraent tenir ses vonix 
pour suspects, Mais aussy desirer que Son autoritS et puissance Soil 
contrepois6e et refrenfe par la prudence de son Mary et de ceui qu/ 
vraiement affectionnent sa prosperity. " King Henry IV to Beaumonfi 
2." fevrier, 1604, in King's MSS., 134, f. 728. 

"Me prometant Quand toute I'angleterre et I'ecc 
jurea et bandez pour nous desunir qu'il ne permettra jamais que ceh 
advienne, Monstrez luy aussy que j'ay bien pris le traittement et 
rbonneur qu'il vous a fait le jour des Rois sans faire paroistre aucun 



n'avoir assisW au Ballet cpu bien ne luy paries plus du 
tout ni aux siens de ce qui s'est pass^ si vous jugez qu'ilsoit plus apropos." 
Ibid., i. 730. 


" Ce que vous avez a faire est de contenuer de voua tenir le plus prSa 
Prince que vous pourrez, et si vous jugez qu'il en soit capable et 
issiez remettre I'esprit de la Reine luy donner doucement jalousie 
de son Intelligence avec lez Espagnols et leurs adherans aiin de luy 
ouvrir les yeux et luy faire reconnoistre et apr^hender les jnconveniens 
qui en peuvent arriver & sa personne ^ sa reputation et a son etat" — 
Jbid., f. 736 — Villeroy to Beaumont, 2 Feb., 1604. 

"2 maskes were famous th'one acted by noble and principall men on 
New Yeares daye, th'other by the Queene and 11 honorable Ladyes 
the fonday after tweUe daye. The French Ambas-sador was prefent 
at the first and the Spanish folemply invited come to the second albeit 
much against the french his wil! who labored all he coulde to have 
crossed hym. AU the embassadors were feasted at Courte this Xptmaa 
first the Spanish and tauoyan 2 the french and florentine 3 the Poloman 
and Venetian and all highly pleased but the French who is malecontent 
to see the Spaniard fo byndly vsed, and it is plainly perceaued that he 
and the fiorentine and in some soit the Venetian labour all they can 
vnderhand to diueste vs from makinge Pease w"' Spaine and for that 
purpose the Duke of florenze maketh overture of a marriage for our 
Prince w"' a daughter and a miUion in dowrye, but if money may suffice 
it is deemed the Kinge of Spaine will double or treble the million vi^ a 
daughter of Sauoy to as other good condicons may be concluded for 
reducing the Hollanders to obedience and ease of the Catholics at home." 
Letter of Ortellio Renzo, 31 Jan., 1603. O. S., Stale Papers Domeslic, 
James I, vi, No. 37. "alors il me repartit derechef qu'il luy sembloit 
que au. me faire tort je pouvois roe trouver au Ballet de la Reine avec 
I'ambassadr d'Espagne au Rang ni cSrSmonie estans tour deus comme 
jnconnus et que jaurois de mon cost^ celuy de Florence et luy celuy de 
Savoie. " Beaumont to Henry IV, 23 Jan., 1604, |N. S.,] King's MSS., 
^zxiv.f. 706. 

n y & quelques jours qu'il m'envoya dire sur ce que Monsieur L'- 
ambassadeur d'Espagne I'avoit prie de luy permettre de voir vn ballet 
qui sefaisoit le jourdesndces duS; Philippe Hebbert; quesij'y voidois 
venir jnconnu, et non comme Ambassadeur, qu'il donneroit ordre que 
)is vne bonne place, mais comme je trouvay cette bi 

Court Masques of James I 

inciviUe ct extraordinaire, aussi je pensay de m'excuser assez k propos, 
sur VD fascbeux maJ. lequel m'a retenu en la chambre depuis quinze 
jours, et depius je n'ay point estS invito k aucun testin, aina que 1'- 
ajxa6e passee, et ne crois pas nonplus de I'eBtre pour le superbe Ballet 
que la Reine s'apreste de faire; dont je oe me soucierois pas plus que de 
raison en mon paiticulier, si ce n'estoit que ce changement de fagoa et 
de traitement tesmoigne k tout le monde quelque mespris envers sa 
Majesty." Beaumont to Villeroy, la {O. S. 2). Jan. 1605. in K'fs'' 

"Sir Lewis Lewkenor presently went to viat the French Ambassador 
who having got wind of what the Spaniard wasabout, received l«wkenor 
very haughtily. Lewkenor said he had come on behalf of his Majesty 
to enquire how the Ambassador was, and to say how much his Majesty 
regretted that the Ambassador would be prevented from attending the 
Queen's masque. The Ambassador burst into a fury and said he knew 
what was going 00 and tha.t it was all the work of seven or eight officials 
of whom Lewkenor was the chief, whose sole object was to discredit 
the French and aggrandise the Spanish Ambassador who was so inso- 
lent that the Ambassador of France had to put up with sonie fresh 
slight every day. He said he was well aware that it was impossible for 
him to stay long in a country corrupted with Spanish doublons if the 
honor and reputation of his master were to be cared for; and that the 
King of Prance was quite aware that he was held in but httle esteem at 
this Court." Nicolo MoUn to the Doge and Senate, 27 Jan. (0. S. 17), 
1605, in Calendar 0} Slate Papers Venetian, x, 212, No. 332. 


"Je remettrayai 
qu'il a vu en cette < 
qui m' a est^ faite 
i'ay VS& pour 

Sieur D'auval k vous compter particuli&rement ce 
lur du Ballet de la Reine, de la surprise et indignitS 
iir le sujet dj'celuy, et la fagon et les terraes dont 
plaindre. car le discours en seroit trop long e 

cheioi; aussi que j'estime qu'il vaut mieux que Sa Majesty dissimule 
par del&, le juste desplaisir qu'elle en doit avoir, quenon pas qu'ellele 
fasse paroistre, d'autant que c'est toujours donner k I'avantage aux 
Espagnols, et plus de sujet kceux qui les favorisent icy, de les embrasser, 
relevant les querelles et se plaignant des injures qu'ils nous font neant- 
moins parcequ'il est necessaire que vous soySs inform^ de tout. J'ay 
chargS ledT Sieur D'auval de le vous rapporter de point en point, en 
quoy je ra'assure que vous admirerez I'impudence et I'imprudence et 
e volont^ tout ensemble des Ministres de ce Prince, car certea 
imiration, et pr^vois que s'ils continuent i 




partiaux, et & rendre si peu de respect aux ambassadeurs 
de France, qy'il sera difficile que sa Majeste les y puisse retenir avecson 
honneur, ny qu'eiw, aussi ayans du courage, y derneurent qu'avec 
beaucoup de tascherie et de malcontentement. Ce n'est pas du tout 
ce qui me fait d^sirer de me retirer, et qui m a donnS occasion de deman- 
der nion cong^ ^ sa Majtfi car connoissant J'humeur et la conduite de 
cette nation, il me seroit plus facile de m'y accomoder qu' k tout autre 
qui y sera moins accoutumfi, mais il faut que je vous confesse ingfinue- 
ment qu'outre le desgofit, et la melancholic que j'ay vus les affaires 
changer en ce Royaume, que i'ay ressent y tant de nouvelles incommo- 
ditfe depuis vn mois en ma santfi, et reconnu tant de dfaordres et de 
necessity en ines affaires domestiq™, que je suis contraint pour liviter 
le danger et la mine de tous deux de souhaiter et presser mon retour en 
France. C'est pourquoy je vous supplie tres humblement en tant que 
vous affectionnftt mon bien et ma conservation d'avoir agr6eable cette 
resolution que j'ay prise conforme S. I'avis que le sieur D'auval m'en 
fl rapports de vostre part et de me tant favoriser, que de m'aider envers 
Majesty k obteair mon cong6. " Letter from Beaumont to Villeroy, 
1603 (no day of month given) in King's MSS,, cxxvii, f. 126. 

"Monsieur . , , 

Jl [Due de Lenox] fut convifi k se trouver au Ballet de la Reine qui 
fut danafi dimanche dernier au Louvre, ou j'entens que la presse fut si 
grande que I'on y eflt peu de plaisir. Le Nonce et les autres ambassa- 
deurs y estoient en vn eschaftant a part, et ledT Due en vn autre ac- 
compagn^ des seigneurs et Gentilshommes Anglois et Escossois qui 
sont avec luy. Sa Majesty fait estat de luy fairs paroistre du ressenti- 
ment du changement de traitement que vous recevez par de li despuis 
que L'Ambassadeurd'Espagney est arriv^ ilest vray que si ledT Ducde 
Lenos n'obtient ce qu'il poursuit par ses parents, il en sera si mal content, 
que je crois que diffidlement fairail profit de ce que sa Majesty luy com- 
mettra. Or pourvitque le Roy d'Angleterre continue k favoriser 
Messieurs des Estats et k n'observer ce qu'il k promis aux espagnols 
nous nous abstiendrons de nous plajndre et formaliser de vostre rang 
et preseance. " Monsieur de Villeroy to Beaumont du vingt-si 
Janvier (1605) in King's MSS., cxxvii, f. 143. 

" LedTDuc de Lenox k voula excuser cequi s'est pass6 ! 
Ballet de ladTReine sur les susd'causes particuliferes, dequoy j'ay fait 
contenance me contenter, pour n'avoir sujet d'en faire autre ressenti- 
nient; joint que j'ay opinion qu'ils ne laisseront poiw cela de reparer et 
amender cette faute. a la premiere feste qu'ils feront, mais quand ils 
IS ne devons pour cela nous en esmouvoir 


Court Masques of James 1 

d'avantage car nostre but doit tendre k des ftiis plus solides et impoT- 
tantes, soy^s done en patience de ce qui succedera des esperances qu'ils 
ont cooeues de la poix d'Espagne. Et de leur gouvemem' naturel, 
et fvitons d'entrer en aucune altiSration avec eux, principaleraent pour 
choses Wgferes. " Beaumont to King Henry IV, ig Feb., 1605, in King's 
MSS.. cwiv, f. 176. 

"The Question of the marriage o! the Prince of Wales with the 
Infanta is not only kept on the tapis but is publicly discussed, though 
the Spanish Ambassador has not opened the subject to his Majesty 
yet. I am told that a few days ago a number of Privy Councillors were 
in the Queen's apartments, and either by accident or on purpose the 
subject was touched on. Almost all of them and the Queen foremost, 
showed themselves favourable to this match ; much more so than to the 
French match. They say that the daughters of France can bring no 
dower but a Uttle money, and that by the Salic law, which is most 
rigidly observed in that kingdom, they cannot inherit any territory; 
whereas the daughters of Spain may not only bring territory in dower 
but may even succeed to the throne. This has caused great suspicion 
in the mind of the French Ambassador. This jealousy is increased by 
the French Ambassador's inability to make progress with two negotia- 
tions; one, the renewal of the ancient alliance between France and Scot- 
land; the other, to procure invitations to public ceremonies with pre- 
cedence over the Spanish Ambassador, and he bases his claim on the 
practice at Rome and Venice. He has obtained nothing yet. " Nicolo 
Molin, Venetian Ambassador in England to the Doge and Senate, 13 
iO.S.z) Jan., 16OS, in Caiendar of State Papers V4inelian,x,aoS,'Mo. 32$, 


" The conduct of the French Ambassador is much criticised, not only 
on the ground of what I have already reported, but because he would not 
wait for the letters the Queen was writing to France. He insisted on 
crossing on Monday evening, though the weather was bad, and the 
French ship, which he was expecting, had not arrived. He embarked 
three hours before the King's orders to put off his departure reached 
Dover, and his passage was both troublesome and dangerous. They 
argue from this that the Ambassador, if he had not a share in the plot, 
at least had some knowledge of it; and there is no doubt but that these 
suspicions, though resting upon very weak evidence, may still produce 
a bad effect, especially if fomented, as they will be, by the Spanish, 
who never lose an opportunity to sow suspicions and differences between 
the English and the Crown of France. " Nicolo MoUn to the Doge and 
Senate, 21 Nov., 1605, in Calendar of State Papers Venetian, s.. No. 445. 


"I haue seen both the mask on Sunday and the barriers on Munday 
mght. The bridegroom carried himfelt as grauely and gracefully as if 
he were of his fathers age. He had greater guiftea given him then ray 
lord Montgomery had, his plate being valued at 36oo£ and his jewels, 
mony a(nd) other guifts at i6oo£. more. But toretumeto themaake; 
both Inigo, Ben, and the actors men and women did their partes w 
great comendation. The conceits or soiile of the mask was Hymen 
bringing in a bride and Juno prooubas priest a bridegroom, proclaiming 
thofe two should be sacrificed to Nutpial vnion, and here the poet made 
an apostrophe to the vnion of the kingdoms. But before the sacrifice 
could be perfonnled] Ben Jonaon turned the globe of the e|arth| stand- 
ing beh[iiid] the altar, and w'^in the concaue sate the 8 men-raasker[sl 
representing the 4 humours and the fower affections which] leapt forth 
to disturb the sacrifice to vnion; but amidst their Italy] R[eason) that 
late aboue them all, crowned w"i [burning tapers, came down and 
silenced them. These eight] together w'h Reason their raoderatresse 
mounted aboue their heades, sate somewhat like the ladies in the 
scallop shell the last year. Aboue the globe of ertb houered & middle 
region of cloudes in the center wherof stood a grand confort of musicians, 
and vpo" the cantons or homes sate the ladies 4 at one comer, and 4 at 
another, who descended upon the stage, not after the state downright 
perpendicularfa3hion,l!keabucket into a well; but came gently sloping 
down. Thefe eight, after the sacrifice was ended, represented the 8 
nuptial powers of Juno pronuba who came downe to confirme the vnion. 
The men were clad in crimzon, and the weomen in white. They had 
euery one a white plume of the richest herons fethers, and were so rich 
in jewels vpo" their heades as was most glorious. I think thel^l hired 
and borrowed all the principal jewels and ropes of perle both in Court 
an[d] citty. The Spanish ambassador seemed but poore to the meanest 
of them. They danced all variety of dances, both seuerally and pro- 
miscue; and then the woeme" took in men as namely the Prince (who 
danced w'h as great perfectio" and as setledaMa*y ascouldbedeuifed) 
the Spanish Ambassado'', the Archdukes Ambassador, the Duke, etc., 
and the men gleaned out the Queen, the bride, and the greatest of the 
ladies. " Letter from J. O. Pory to &. Rob't Cotton, Tuesday, Jan. 7, 
I605[6|, in Cotlon MSS., Julius C, iii, 301. Printed but considerably 
changed in Godfrey Goodman, Court of King Janus the First (1839), 
a, 124. 

"His most christian Majesty has, I hear, written an autograph letter 
|0 the King congratulating him on his escape. At the close he says that 


Court Masques of James 1 

he understands that rumors are flying about to the effect that his Am- 
bassador (de Beaumont), who hasjust left Ei^land, may have knowledge 
of the plot. He says he catuiot believe that any minister of his could 
ever be so iniquitous and perverted as to have a hand in such wickedness. 
No Prince is safe against traitors. He gave his word of honour that 
should he at any time discover the very smallest indication that his 
Ambassador had had the tiniest part in this plot, he would make such 
an example of him as that they should clearly see how he hated and 
abominated all such actions and their authors. But for all this the 
suspicicM of the Ambassador does not diminish, nay, it grows daily; 
and especially on account of news arrived from France that the moment 
the Ambassador reached Calais, that was on Tuesday (his most 
christian Majesty) with a letter, in which he said, "To-day a crushing 
blow against the King, his house, and all the nobiUty of England is to be 
delivered, but the issue is still uncertain." If that were true it would 
undoubtedly follow that he must have bad knowledge of the plot; but 
he is in such. disgrace in the court, the ministers, and even with the royal 
family that they will lend an ear to any charge against him." Nicolo 
Molin, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate, a2 
Dec. {12 O. S.). 1605, as edited by Horatio F. Brown in Caietidar of Stale 
Papers Venetian, x, 304-5, No. 457. 

"After mid-day the English Ambassador sent to ask audience that 
evening or next morning through the mouth of a gentleman of hia 

" The Doge repUed that the Senate was sitting that afternoon, and so 
he did not see how the audience could be granted that day unless it was a 
matter of great urgency; . . . half an hour after the Ambassador him- 
self wasannouncedatthedooroftheCabinet. . . . ' He [the messenger] 
to!d me,' continued the [English] Ambassador that if the question were 
not UJ^ent, I was b^ged to defer my audience till the morning. I 
holding that the question was not only urgent, but superlatively so, 
have come here at once under the impulse of that zeal and devotion 
which I bear to the Republic and which teaches me that I ought to come 
to the Cabinet not only at this hour, but at every hour, and not only to 
knock at the doors, but to burst them open in order to get in. . . ,' 

' ' The Ambassador then communicated the news that the King of Spain 
was resolved to lend armed aid to the Pope unless an accord were 
reached with Venice. ..." Copy from CoUegio Secreta Esposizioni 
Roma, dated Jan, 15 (0. S. 5) 1607, Venetian Archives, by Horatio P, 
Brown in Calendar of State Papers Venetian, x, 454., No. 661. 

See also Calendar of State Papers Venetian, x, passim. 



^^B; "L>es c^rimonies des Pgtes de Noel font achevfes fe font iermeta 
^^^ar le manage du Oeur Heydt qui fut fait Mardi: la ofi la Reine, oi en 
on ba! qui don n At le foir & qui a, 6t6 la feule chole de remarque qui 
(e Toit faite, oe fe voulut point trouver, ayant finit dfitre malade, bien 
que dfes le lendemain elle fflt debout. Je n'en fgais point encore la caute, 
fnais je fuis apr6s pour la decouvrir. Pas un des Ambassadeurs n'y 
out ^t^ convife Dieu Merd; feulement en ai-je eu vne belle, paire de 
gants de la part du marie, pour ia livreS des noces, qui ne m'a pas couto 
ti cher comme une pareille & I'ambaffadeur d'Efpagne, car il a donnfi 
une bague de cinq mille ecus en place: eu quoi c 
de fon tnflitre par-deci, que j'y trouve neanmoina assez 
Letter from Boderie to Puisieux, 18 Jan., 1607 (N. S.) ii 
Ambassades, a, io-l. 

*See also Thomas Carlyle, Historical SkeUhes (1898), 50. 
"His h. commanded me further to advertise your lo. that where he 
had by my former breT sent your lo. a TCairaat for the maske wth a 
blanck but limited the same to a thousand pounds, he was pleased if it 
■Were not already filled your lo. wtb opinion of the rest of the lords 
rneationed in the warrant might enlarge it to some reafonable encrease 
as you should thinke meet. I moued his Mats thereuppon that if it 
pleased him there might be a new warrant made w^tiout Umitation of a 
Bomme but left to such bylz as by your lis should be signed and allowed 
His Ma'i seamed to like it well and if it please your lo. to think it a litt 
■way it may be done. . . . This a? Nov., 1607 Your lo, most humbly 
Xja coinand " Thos: Lake." 

In Slate Papers Domestic James I, mxvii, 96. 

la liberal! te 
lal employed." 
de la Boderie, 


"Ce que jerSpons h M. de Puifieui fatiffera, s'il vous plait, k ce qu'il 
■vons a plu m'&^rire par la vfltre du 1 1 du palfS, puifqu'aulfi bien votre 
lettre & !a fienne ne touchent qu'une m^me chofe. Je vous dirai par 
celle-ci que M. le Due de Lenox m'a fait le faveur de venir diner cfians, 
pour m'avertir que la Reine de la Grande Bretagne ^tant avant hier 
all& au devant du Roy fon mari, eEe lui avoit dit que I'Ambaffadeur 
d'Efpagne I'avoit priefi qu'il vlt fon bal, & qu'elle lui avoit promis; de 
quoi le Roi ^toit demeurfi un pcu ^tonnS, & lui avoit rSpondu feulement : 
mais que dira I'Ambaffadeur de France, vn mfime qu'an dernier que 
vous Dtes, I'autre Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne s'y trouva, & celui de 
France ne s'y trouva point. Que pour cela elle ne s'^toit point fentie 
rebutfc, & faifoit toujours 6tat que ledit, ambaffadeur y alfifteroit, de 


Court Masques of James I 


quoi il avoit eftirn^ devoir m'averlir, & pour le refpect qu'U a au Roi, 
& puur TamitiS qu'il me porte, Je I'ai remerciS de ce bon office; 
& jugeant qu'il alloit en cela quelque cas de la dignity de fa Majesty 
6u il ne (eroit point mauvais de remfidier, s'il etoit poffible, j'y afoutai, 
que je ne pouvois me peri uader que quand le Roi de la Grande Bretagne 
auroit bien penK k ce qui (e potivoit enfuivre de chole de li peu de 
moment en apparence, il fe Ipiffftt. Q facilement emporter k la voloat6 
de [a Rcine; que ce bal 6toit une action publique. ba i'Ambafladeur 
d'Efpagne ne pouvdt fitre tavorif^ plus que celui de France, fans vin 
manifefte temoignage, de mauvaife affection eovers fa majeft^; que je 
fgavois combien ce qui s'^oit pass6 au fait du Rtn de Dannecaarck, 
lorfqu'il 6toit id, I'avoit offenf^; que ceci I'oSenferoit fans comparifon 
davantage, & que quelque couleur qu'on effayit d'y donner pour fajra 
croire que ceci ne vfnt du Roi, mais de la Reine, n'eblouiroient jamais 
ceuz qui auroient bonne vue joint que cela ne fe fgauroit dire fans fajre 
im manifefte tort audit Roi, qui doit etre le maltre en fa maifon: que 
plufieurs fitoient en peine de cequi pouvoit mouvoir leurs Majestfe il 
faire ce bal; mais que chacun auroit grandement occafion de croire 
que 5'auroit 6t& feulement pour faire cette d^faveur k man m^tre, & 
poffible potir venger par ce moyen le paffage du Comte de Tyrone par 
ton Royaume: que ledit Roi & metfieurs de fon confeil 6toient bona & 
fages; & que je ne pouvois croire que quand lis auroient bien perils k 
tout ced & k tout ce qui s'en pourroit dire aux Strangers, ils confentiffeat 
aifement de foumir de mat^ire k tant de difcours; que pour moi je 
n'etois pas d^bfirS de m'6n plaindre pour redoublir I'iiijure qu'en 
recevroit le Roi mon maltre, fi Ton venoit kp affer outre aprfe ce que j'en 
is que tous ceux qui aimeroient I'union de leurs Majesty 
[ de confirmer leur bonne intelligence itoient obligfa 
de s'en remuer & faire entendre combien une action que la Reine 
eftimoit peut-^tre Mgere & indiff^reute, pouvoit attirer de confequence. 
II ra'a dit que ce n'etoit pas encore chofe bien rSolue & qu'aujours hui 
il verroit les Comts de Salifbury & de Dombar pour effayer par leux 
moyen de rompre ce coup. Je crois qu'il a €i€ envoyfi pour me fouder, 
&pour voir de quelle fason je le prcndrois, afin de s'y gouvemer par 
aprfes entr'euK felon cela. Et comme en vfiritfi je n'eftime pas que 
chofe teroblable fe puiffe faire fans que le Roi y foit offenfiJ, j'ai eftim^ 
auffi lui en devoir parler de cette forte; fur quoi i! ra'a promis me faire 
fgavoir ce qu'il en aura remporti de ces Meffieurs. Apr&s cela je ne vois 
point que je m'en doive remuer davantage, fi ce n'est poffible d'on dire 
un mot au comte de Salifbury, de peur qu'il ne penfe que je le mfiprife, 
mais fi davantage fa MajeftS trouve bon qut: je paffe k d'autres remon- 
trances & d'autres proteftations envers cedit Roi, ou envers les fiena, 
je vous fupplie trfes-humblemeat, Monlieur, me le faire fgavoir par 
Courier expr^; car comme ce bal ne fe doit danfer que le jour de leun 


Rms, qui fera le 16 k notre maniere de compter, ledit couriei' aura 
encore tout loifir de venir. C'eft une bagatelle, & qui mendi^e par 
I'Ambalfadeur d'Efpagne, doit plutOt toumer k. mgpris qu'autrernent. 
Mais comme il ne fe fgaura pas partout qu'il I'ait mendi^e, & qu'on 
pouiToit poCtible dire que je ne m'y fuis portfi affez vertement, je voua 
prie trte-prelfamnient me tant obliger que ]e ne faille point; car felon 
quevous me commanderez, ne dout«z point que je ne faffe. Sansdoute 
que c'eft une partie faite par la Reine, 6n fi ce Roi n'eft retenu de la 
crainte d'offenfer le n6tre, il eft fi bon qu'il fe laiffera porter; car il 
n'eft pas croyable, du pouvoir qu'elle prend tous les jours fur lui, & 
des artifices qu'elle y apporte. Mais fi ne puis-je croire que quand 
ledit Due de Lenox aura reprefent^ ce que je lui en ai dit, ce Roi & 
les fiens n'y penfent plus d'lme fois . . . 

De Londres, le i Janvier, 1608." 
La Boderie, Ambasaides, iii, 3-13. 


Votre lettre du 29 du paCf^ me fut rendue d^ le du prfefent; mais 
comme I'affaire de ce certain ballet, dont j'ecrivis deruierement, s'eft 
toujours agit^ depuis, tans que j'y aye pu voir rien d'aUur^ jufques k 
hier, j'ai difESrfi pour cela k vous y faire plutfit riponfe. Je difois par mea 
pr^cfidentes, corame fur I'avis que m'avoit donnfi le Due de Lenox de la 
promeffe faite 1 ar cette Reine k rAmbaffadeur d'Etpa^ne de le faire 
intervenir k ton ballet, je lui avois remontr^ corabien cela pouvoit 
ofienfer le Roi mon maJtre, Ci je n'y etois conviS auffi ; & comme ayant 
bien re^ les raifons que je lui en avois dites, il s'itoit chargfi de les 
reprelenter aiot comtes de Salifbury & le Dombar, & mi; faire fgavoir 
ce que s'y r^oudroit. De-li k trois jours, i! me manda que le Roi de la 
Grande Bretagne £toit iafiniiQent marri de la facility dont la Reine (a 
femmes '^toit laiffS engager envers ledit Ambaffadeur, & avoit fort 
bien pris les raifons qu'il n'y avoit plus de remfede, & qu'au lieu, ledit 
Roi me vouloit donner i diner. Tout fur I'heureje disk celui qui m'en- 
porta la parole, que tant s'en faut que ce fflt pour guerir le mal, c'dtoit 
pour I'accroJtre davantage. qu'il n'y avoit point de proportion entre 
ua diner que me donneroit le Roi & I'honneur que recevroit ledit Ambaf- 
fadeur par 1 'intervention audit ballet; que I'un etoit une action privfe, 
& I'autre un fpectacle & une folennit^n pubiique; que fi je dinois avec 
ie Roi, I'autre y fouperoit, & de plus lervit vn par dix niille perfonnes 
feoir aupr&s dudit Roi, & recevoir la faveur de voir danfer la Reine & 
alfifter a la coUation qui fe fait apres; & comme tons ces fpectateurs 
feroient les juges de cette action, & ceux qui la publieroient par toute la 
chr^tientfi, il n'y en auroit pas peut-etre la centieme partie qui fguffent 
que j'euffe ding avec le Roi, & entre ceux qui le fgauroieat, pas un feul 
qui n'eflt occafion de me tenir pour un ignoranti& raauvais ferviteur, 


98 Court Masques of James I 

£i par ma pr^ence je montrois confentir au prtjudice que necevroit fa 
Majelte en cette occalion: que partant je le priois Tupplier ledit Ceur I 
Due de ma part de rompre le coup dudit dind, parce qu'en effet j'^tois 
tres-r^folu de la refufer. Le leademain ledit Due me renvoya k celiu 
mfime (c"*toit k fieur de Kier) me dira qu'il me-priait de bien penfer 
au refusqueje vouloisfaite; que ledit Roi croyoii faire plus pour inoi en 
m 'appellant en fon feftin, qu'il ne feroit pouT I'Ambalfadeur d'Bfpagne; 
& qu'ii me prioit m'accomoder k cet expedient. Je lui fia r^peufe y 
avoir fort bien penffi; que j'fitois fort marri de ne pouvoir recevoir 
I'honneur que fa Majefti m'offrait; qu'en im autre temps je I'euffe 
eftim^ auffi grand. & I'euffe autant fait vaioir, comme en c«tte occafioit 
j'fitois contraint de le refufer; que fi fa Majefti trouvoit que j'euXfa 
occafion de me douloir de la promeffe faite k I'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne, 
il n'y avoit que deux ejtpedients pour me conteoter, I'un de m'appeller 
audit ballet auffi bien que lui, & me donner le lieu qui m'appartient, 
ou me le laiffer prendre, corame je fgaurois fort bien faire, ou bien o'y 
admettre ledit Ambaffadeur ni moi; qu'encore qu'ea ce dernier je 
re^ufte du prejudice, pour me voir flter uoe poffeffion en laquelle font 
tous les Miniftres du Roi mon mattre par les autres Cours de le Chrd- 
tiente non intereff^es; fi m'en accommoderois — je plus volontiers, que 
de troubler le plaifir de S. M. 

Cette r^onfe faite, & la procAJure que j'avois tenue jufques-la 
lou^ par lefdits Comtes de Salifbury & de Dombar & beaueoup d'autres 
du Confeil, le lendemain ledit Comte de Salifbury ne laiffa point da 
m'envoyer fon Secretaire pour me prier de m'accomoder a Vexp^dient 
dudit feftin; me difant que le Roi fitoit extremement marri delal^ereti 
de la Reine, mais qu'elle prenait ceci fi haut, que pas un d'eux. ni le Roi 
mfime ne lui en ofoient parler; que chacun, fjavoit atfez combien elle 
itoit Efpagnole, & le pouvoir quelle avoit fur fon man; & que c( 
faveur qu'elle vouloit faire k I'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne feroit r^ut^ 
d'un chacun venir d'elle, mais le diner que le Roi me donneroit, proc^ 
deroit de lui,& pour ni erapficher d'etre prfijudici^en ce qu'elle feroit: 
que fans cela S. M. avoit auffi bien rSfolu de me banqueter durant ces 
fetes, & que ]e ne m^prifatfe point I'honneur qu'elle me vouloit faire. 
Je lui fis les mfimes reponfes que j'avois faites k du Kier, mais eocore 
plus reffenties; & j'y ajoutai que puifqu'il m'avoiioit que ta Reine 
fitoit Efpagnole, & qu'elle awoit un fi grand pouvoir fur fon mari, le 
Roi mon mattre auroit peu d'occafion de bien efpteDit dorfinavant de ce 
c6t^-ci ains feroit, k mon opinion, confeillfi de fe gouvemerd-aprfesaveo 
eux comme il fait avec ceux de la Maifon d'Autriche, leur flter ce moyen 
de lui faire ces petits d^plaifirs en la perfonne de fes Ambaffadeure, 
& laiffer auprSs d'eux feulement un Secretaire; que j'^tois marri da 
donner ce m^contentement au Roi fon maltre; mais que ce n'Stoit pas 
moi qui en avois fait nattre la caufe. qu' outre ce qui fe paffa lorfque 

Appendix 99 

' le Roi de Detmemarck Stoit id il s'etoit encore palfe du depuis tout 
plein de petites chofes dont j'aurois bien pu me formalifer, & que 
toutefois, pour ne rae montrer hargneux ni pointilleux, j'avois difi6rt 
de faire; que de mes yeux j'avois vu le Carolfe du grand Chambellan 
entrer chez rAmbaffadeur d'Efpagne, lorfque le dernier Toumoi se fit, 
& mes gens I'avoient vu eo defcendre chez le geodre du grand Chambel- 
lan & premier maltre d'Hotel de la raaiTon du Roi, oi la femme dudit 
Chambellan & Ces filles I'attendoient pour lui faire voir ledit Toumoi; 
que je ne m'en dtoia point plaint, ne trouvant du tout Strange qu'il 
fflt fervi pour fon argent, comme je ne m'etois plaint auHi de w 
que je n'avois une £eule fois envoyfi deraander audience du Roi ou 
de la Reine aux deux grands ChambeUans, que toujours ils n'euffent 
dit que celui d'Efpagne y avoit envoyS deja, afin qu'il eflt toujours 1'- 
avantage d'y aller de premier: que ces chof es-la Ce pouvoient diHimuler 
comme auffi je !es avois diffiraulSes; mais que Taction dont il s'a^iffoit 
^toit trop publique pour la laiffer paffer de cette sorte: que je ne pou- 
vois pas contraindre ledit Roi d'en ufer autrement que comme il vou- 
droit; mais qu'il ne me pourrait pas empgcher auffi de reniarquer ce 
qui s'y feroit, & le reprSIenter fort fidelement ^ mon maltre qu'il con- 
£id6r4t, s'il lui plait, en quelle conjoncture ceci fe fait; que Ton eft 
main tenant en Holland fur la conclufion d'une Legue, ou I'offenfe qui 
fe fera A S. M. en cette occafion, apportera peu de reputation & peu de 
vigueur; que d'une b^atelleft d'un plaif ir de f i peu d'importance, ledit 
Roi n'en fit pas un point d'etat, & ne fit parottre que la crainte qu'il 
a d'irriter les Efpagnols, fut plus forte en fon endroit, que I'amitS qu'il 
doit h mon mattre. 

Je le renvoyai avec cela;& au fortir il dit lui-memei mon Secretaire, 
que j'avois raifon, & que M. le Comte de Salifbury le jugeoit ainfj. 
Sur fon rapport le confeil s'affembla, oil la plupart inclinoient k con- 
tremander ledit Ambaffadeur. Mais la Heine le tgachant fit la furieufe 
plus que devant, & envoya dit que c'fitoit & elle i qui Ton s'adreffoit; 
qu'ils fiffent ce qu'ils voudroient, mais que plut6t elle ne danferoit point, 
fi elle ne maintenoit audit Ambaffadeur ce qu'eUe lui avoit promis. Sur 
cela ils prient le Due de Lenox de me venir lui-mfime trouver, pour m'- 
engager derechef d'accepter le tempSrameat de ce feftin, puifqu'ils 
ne voyoient autre moyen de me fatiffaire; que ce feftin fe feroit le plus 
publiquement qu'il feriot poffible, ou I'Ambaffadeur de VeniCe feroit 
convie avec moi, & que celui d'Efpagne ne fouperoit point avec Roi, 
mais viendroit feulement apr&s fouper lui, & celui de Flandre pour voir 
lebai. Je lui repondisdemSmequ'auxautresiyajoutant feulement que 
bien qu'il ne foupat, il auroit la collation, qui 6toit chofe d' 
faveur que je fgavois que pareil traiteraent avoit 6t& fait & M. de Beau- 
mont, comme on me vouloit faire, lequel n'avoit 6t& loufi de 
accepts ; que lors la prindpaleexcufe quel'onyprit, fitoitlahainequela 


lOo Court Masques of James T 

Reine Itii poriuit: 'lue eela ceffoit maintenant, parce que non leuleinent 
je (;avois ne lui en avoir dono^ d'occafion, mais avoir trop de preuves 
du contrain.- par les di^raonftrations qu'il lui avoit plu encotc me faire 
depuis fauit jtmrs; que ced regarderuit deformais purement & (imple- 
mcDt le Roi mon maitre & que je fupplioia tres-humblement leurs 
Majeftes y penTer plus d'une fois: que je n'eltimois point qu'il pflt y 
avoir aucime proportion eatre ce feftin & le bal; mais que n^arnnoins, 
pour Oter ropinion que je fuTfe feul qui formaKe cette difficult^, puifque 
ledit AmbaUadeur de Venife dtoit en meme caufe que moi, je le priois 
me donner une heure de temps pour en alkr conf^rer avec lui, & que (i 
ledit Ambaffadeur jugeoit de pouvoir s'accommoder de cet expedient, 
poffible m'y accommoderois-je; & que dans le foir je lui en rendrois 
rdponfe. De ce pas j'allai trouver ledit Ambalfadeur a qui ayant 
propof£ le fait, & repr^ent^ tout ce qui s'^toit pait& fur Jci lui de part 
& d'autre, il loua la procedure que j'y avois tenue, & reconnut qu'i 
la verity nous retevrions un eitrfime d^avantage, & lui & moi, par lefi 
enpAiients qui fe propofoient; que pour lui il n'^toit non plus reaolu 
d'accepter le feftin que je pouvois @tre, & qu'il valoit beaucoup mieux 
foufirir que 1' Ambaffadeur d'Bfpagne fe trouv&t feul audit ballet. 6u 
la plupart des f pfictateurs f caujoient qu'il n'auroit. fit^conviSquepar la 
Reine & par fon importunity, que d'accepter une condiUon fi io^ale: 
que nous ne laifferions k la v&it^ d'y fitre offenffe, mais que le refus du 
feftin nous feroit une protettation a I'encontre; & pour le moins que 
nous n'y mettrions rien qui pflt fitre prfijudidable a la dignity de nos 
maltres, en n'y contentant point. 

"Je fis incontinent fjavoir cette r^ponfe au Due de Lenox, lui laquelle 
derechef le Confeil fut appellf. II fut affembl^ jufqu'4 onze heures du 
foir; & finalement par les menaces & menses de la Reine, il fut refolu 
que puifque nous ne voulioas 1' Ambaffadeur de Venife ni moi nous 
trouver audit feftin, nous n'y ferions point convife; mais que Ton en 
feroit excufe a nos metres, & qu'on leur reprfifenteroit les offres 
qu'on nous avoit faites; & que cependant la Reine Stant de cette forte 
engagfe a 1 'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne, ce qu'elle lui avoit promis lui 
feroit maintenu: de force qu'il danfera, & nous ne mangerons point, 
encore que nous aurjons en meilleurc grac« i mon avis, h I'un qu'il 

"La Reine fe prend raaintenaat au Due de Lenox du refus que j'ai 
fait d'etre de leur feftin, 8c jura hier deux bons cordieux qu'elle I'ea 
feroit repentir; difant que je les bravois, & m'oppofois k la volont^, & 
que ce ne pouvoit fitre que par fon confeil: enquoi je trouve qu'elle m'- 
offenfe plus qu'en tout ie refte; car auffi le bon Due n'at-il nulle coulpe 
de ce c6te-la. 

"J'ai^tfiextremement marri de cette rencontre, & encore plus qu'elle 
foit fur venue ea cette faifon, oii je vous de part & d'autre affez de fujeta 



de m&ontentemens fans y ajouter encort'vielui ci. Mais ce n'elt moi 
qui i'ai faitnattre; & je me Cerois r^put^ toiite. ma vie tres-malheureux, 
R je m'etoia laiTM fi^chir k quelque chote d'indigioe & de pr^judidable k 
la reputation de S. M. Ellene laiffe derecevoi'ridj'jre.oupourle n 
Ml grand t^moignage de la mauvaife affection de cette JMncelfe, & de 
lafotblefledefon man en ce que fe fait. Mais fi j' 
6tre cru, ils n'auraient d'ici en avant non plus moyen de Ijuefl faire de 
fembiables, comme ils ne I'ont de lui en faire d'autres: car-taut qu'ils 
ne lui donneroient le lieu qui lui appartient, ils o'auroient qu'un Secre- 
taire auprfesd'euA; & fi S. M. fe refolvoit une tois d'en venir-la,' }ani«3S' 
gens nefe trouveroient fi Stonnfe. Ils font foibles & gloirem i tootfe.' ,". 
ijutrance: & par la procedure qu'ils tiennent avec I'Efpagne. il eft- . 
facile ^ reconnoitre font fans comparaifon plus capables de ciainte que 
de reconnoiffance on d'amitie. 

11b n'ont encore, ^ men opinion, aucun vent de leur Ambaffadeur 

!a fatiffaction qu'on lui a donne6 de leurs prfitendues dettes, au 

'en ont-ils rien fait paroitre en cette occafion, & difEcilement 

feroient-ils paff^s, s'ils I'avoient f^u. S'ils m'en parlent. ce que je 

ne crois pas 4 cette heur, je f^aurai que leur repondre. . . . 

'■ De Londres, le 14 Janvier. 1608. " 

Lettre de M. de la Boderie M. de Puisieux. in de la Boderie, 
Mmbaisadei, iii, 13-25. 


Le Roi eft i bon droit tres-maJ contente du bon tr^temeot que 
Ton fait par dela a I'ambaffadeur d'Efpagnc, par detfus & au prejudice 
de celui qui eft dfl autrement en votre perfonne. fl a trouve bon ce 
que VDus en avez dit au Due de Lenoi; & fi fur cela ils n'ont chai^ 
de Confeil, il ne veut pasque vous en teraoigniez autre refentiment, ni 
mfime que vous vous en plaigniez. II fuffiia qu'ils fcachent que S. M. 
n'en eft contente, ni vous auffi, fans faire autre bruit. lis veulcnt nous 
engager en la difpute d'une competence avec I'Efpagne, contre toute 
a£ii dete faire courtifer davantage. " Villeroy to Boderie, 20 Jan,, 1608, 
de la Boderie, Ambassades, iii, 33-4. 



" Monfieur de la Boderie, I'Ambaffadeur de mon frere Roide laGranda 
Bretagne a defire dtre oui en mon Confeil fur le fu et des dettes qu'i! 
pretend lui etre dfles par moi, . . . 

"Cependanl je vous dirai ni' avoir ete reprSfente ce que vous appre- 
bendez qu'ils pretendent faire en votre endroit au ballet qui fe prepare; 
de quoi j'eftime que vous devez faire demonftration que j'aurai occa- 
fion jufte d'etre offenfe, fans toutefois vous en remuer davantage, ni 
en faire plus grand bruit, qui eft peut-Strece qu'ils defirent. II fuffira 

102 Court Masques of James I 

qu'Us connoiffeat que vous.le rtuimrquiez; & s'ils veident paUer outre, 
le m^prifer plutAC qve d'eptrtf en plus ouvert reffentiment. Je prie 
Dieu Monlieur de la, Il9defie, qu'il vous ait en fa fainte garde. Ecrit 
h Paris Ic 20 Janvier;.*-! 608. Sign£ Henri, & plus bas de Neufville. " 
Dc la Boderie. Amtia^ades. ili, 31-3. 


." Ce.Ballet dont vous n'avez deja que trap oul parler a €i& ce qui a 
.etvU^retnent occupy le Bureau en cette Cour. & devant & depuis mes 
-, '^rilAlences. M. du HoUiery ayaat aftift^, & vu ftentendut^isdoute 
; plus que moi ce qui s'y eft fait, & ce qui s'en eft dit de tous cAt^, je me 
remettrai ^ lul ^ vous en entretenir. Taut y a que non obftant toutes 
mes bonnes raifons, Tambaffadeur d'Efpagne y a comparu, & un peu 
detrayd la compagnie. Celui de Venife y a ^t^ auTO, invito feulemeat du 
matin, pour, comme j'eClime, ne dotmer loifir k celui de Flandre de 
crier i I'^neontre. La femme de ce dernier y affifta auffi; tnais elle fut 
fi mal vue & fi ma! regue, qu'elle voudroit en avoir €\A \ cent IJeues loin. 
On I'avoit convict deCouperaveclaPrinceCe; ellefoupaavecIaGouver- 
nante, & fut placed pour voir le ballet i plus de dix pas de ladite Princetfe, 
& fans line feuJe Dame auprfes d'elle qui lui fit compagnie. La Reine 
ni an partir de 1^, ni durant le ballet ni ^ la collation, ne lui dit pas une 
parole, encore qu'elle fflt affez pr6s d'elle, ce qui fut remarque: ni 
mSme k TAmballadeur d'Efpagne, ay ant en fa pr^ence & tout jolgnant 
lui, du long de ladite collation, continuellenient eatretenu I'Ambaffadeur 
de Venife. Je ne fgais fi c'elt pour cela, ou pour autre chote, que ledit 
Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne a dit depuis, qu'il voudrait lui en avoir eolith 
mille &us, & n'y avoir point fit^. On envoya deux jours devant 
f;avoir de moi, fi ma femme y ^tant convife de la part de la Reine, elle 
s'y trouverait. Je fis reponfe qu'elle fitoit trop fage pour pouvoir 
recevoir faveur en la d^faveur qui m'^toit faite, & trop courageufe pour 
vDuloir fervir de luftre S I'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne; que fi on la voyoit 
\k auprfes de lui, moi n'y ^taat point, cela ne lerviroit que pour faire 
difcourir encore le monde, 81 qu'il valoit mieux que Ton ne s'y fouvtnt 
du tout point de nous. Chacun a loufi par-deci la tagon que j'y ai 
tenue encore que Ton Ce foit un peu piqu^ de mes refus. Dieu veuille 
que par dela e'en foit de meme. Ttnit y a qu'ils en font rSduits Bxa. 
excufes; & par aventure qu'en s'excutant, ils s'effayeront de m'aecufer: 
Je m'affure que le Roi eft trop bon maitre, pour me denier fa protection 
en une cliofe bu je Qe me Cuis rien propof^ que fa dignitfi. De cela vous 
affurerai-je, Monfieur, qu'ils y teront une autre fois plus circonfpects; 
& qu'en tout ce que je vous ai dit, j'ai &i& le plus v^table qu'il m'a 
m poffible." Lettre de M. de la Boderie i. M. de Puisieux, 39 Jan., 
1608, in de la Boderie, Amhassades, iii, 42. 



^V "Suivant cda. celui qui fait id I'office que fait ches nous M. de 
f Gandy, & qui eft auffi bon efpagnol qu'il eft Anglois, me vint hier au 
tcai trouver, me dit qu'il 6toit envoyS du Roi foa mattre pour me 
fair ffavoir que Mardi prochain fe taiCoient les noces de M. le Vicomtfl 
d'Adinton avec la fille de M. de Comte de Suffer: & qu'^taat ledit 
fieur d'Adinton un des feruiteurs qu'eUt fa MajeftS qu'il aimoit autant, 
& k qui il eftimoit devoir le plus, comme 4 celui k qui il ftcit oblig^ de 
la vie, & il defiroit non feulement lui faire tout rhoiineur qu'il lui feroit 
poffible en cette occafion, mais y convier avec lui les Miniftres des 
Princes qu'il eftimoit s'etre le plus rfijoui de fa confervation; & quo 
comme il s'affuroit que le Roi rnon maltre avoit 6t6 I'un de ceux qui en 
avoient re^ plus de contentemeat il me prioit de vouloir afCifter au 
feftin public qui fe feroit Mardi au foir pour les noces, en la compagnie 
de M. le Prince, & on partir de la 4 un ballet qui fe preparoit par M. 
le Due de Lenox, & autres principaux Seigneurs de cette Cour: qu'il 
y en avoit eu d'autres, qui par la recherche qu'ils en avoient faite, 
avoient atfiftfi k un ballet, dont il fcavoit que j'avois recu quelque 
dfiplaifir mais que 5 ivoit 6t6 par leur importunity, le contre fa volontfi, 
& fans y fitre rien intervenu du fien; & que comme il me prioit de le 
croire, il me prioit auffi de oe d^S^rer pour cela de me trouver audit 
feftin; m'afturant qu'il m'y feroit trailer de telle forte, que chacun 
reconnoitroit le reCpect & I'amitifi particuliere qu'il portoit au Roi 
mon mattre." Boderie to Villeroy, 14 Feb., 1608, in de La Boderie, 
Ambassades, iii, 94-5. 


"Monfieur de la Boderie, j'ai appris par les lettres que vous avez 
ecrites aux fieurs de Villeroy & de Puifieux, Toffre qui vous ^t6 faite 
pour reparer en votre perfonne, aux noces du fieur d'Adinton, I'avantage 
qui avoit €t6 donn£ k I'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne au ballet qui fe fit 
demierement par ordre & en prefence de la Reine de la Grande Bretagne, 
laqueUe }e fuis d'avis que vous acceptiez, taut pour ne paroitre par le 
refus que vous en feriez, hai^eux ni pointilleux, & moi peu d^fireux 
de la confervation de leur amiti^, que parce qu'elle fenible fuffifante & 
convenable a ma dignity & au rang qui m'eft dQ & ^ mes miniftres. 
Mais j'entens que ce foit avec la condition que vous-mfime avez jk 
jug£e pr^gnante & n^ceffaire, que vous comparoitren Ceul Ambaffadeur 
en la c^r^monie du ballet ou du feftin, ou detousdeux. Cans que celui des 
Archiducs [of Flanders] y foit admis, comme il femble qu'ils avoient 
quelque envie de faire, & k quoi vous avez pris bon confeil de vous 
Oppofer fermeraent, comme je veux que vous faiftiez derechef. fi 
d'aventiu'e ils continuent en la meme volontS. pour les raifons fortes & 


Court Masques of James I 

pertinentes que vous r^refentez. S'ils vous donnent cettc f&tis£actioD 
enti^ & complette, de laquelle vous jugiei que j'aye ocLafion de de- 
meurer content, ainTi que je le (erai en cette forme, acceptez la, fans, 
eo ce cas, leur temoigner autrement que j'aye beaucoup de reffentiment 
de la demiere action en laquelle j'ai 6ti intereff^ fi hors de propos. 
Nous veiTons de la fagon qu'ils en uferont ce'-aprte aui autresoccafions, 
felon lefquelles je roe reglerai & conduirai en leur endroit, ainfi que 
j'eftimerai utile & honorable." King Henry IV to Boderie, 21 Feb., 
1608, in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iii, I13-4. 


"Environs la mi-cartme, des comSdiens, k qui j'avoiafait dfifendrede 
jouer I'hittoire du Martchal de Biroo, voyant toute la cour dehors, ne 
laitff rent de le faire & non feulement cela, mais y inlrodiiifirent la Reine 
ft Madame Venieuil, traitant celle-ci fort "131 de paroles, & lui donnant 
(auffiet. En ayant en avis de la k quelques jours, auffi-tAt je m'en 
allai trouver le comte de Salifbury, & lui fis plainte de ce que non feule- 
ment ces compagnons la contrevenoient k la d£fenfe qui leur ayoit 
tft* faite, mais y ajoutoient des chofes non feulement plus importantes, 
mais qui n'avoient que faire avec le Martchal de Biron, & au partir delk 
^toient toutes fouffes. 11 fe niontra fort courrouc^ & des I'heure m6me 
envoys pour les prendre. Toutetoia il ne s'en trouva que trois, qui 
auffi-t6t furent menes k la prison ofl ils font encore; mais le principal 
qui eft le compofiteur fichapa. Ua jour ou deux devant. ils avoient 
d^ch^ leur Roi, fa mine d'Ecoffe, & tons les Favoris d'une strange 
forte; car apres lui avoir fait d^piterle Cielfurie vol d'unoifeau, & tait 
battre un Gentilhomme pour avoir rompu fes chiens, ils le dSpeignoient 
ivre pour le moins une fois le jour. Ce qu' ayant fgu, je penfai qu'il 
feroit affez en colere contre lefdits Comediens, fans que je I'y mifte 
davantage, & qu'il valoit mieux faire retSrer leur chatiment k I'irrgvfi- 
rence qu'ils lui avoient portfe, qu'Jt ce qu'ils pourroient avoir dit de£ 
dites Dames, & poui ce, je me r^olus de n'en plus parler, rnais conC- 
dererce qu'ils ont tait. Quand le Roi a 6t^ id, ila temoigneeireextreme- 
ment imtfi contre ces marauds-l&, Sc k command^ qu'ils foient ch&ti^, 
& fur-tout qu'on eflt k faire diligence de trouver le compofiteur. Memo 
i] a fait d^enfe que Ton n'eflt plus k jouer des Comedies dedans Lon- 
dres. Pour lever cette defenfe, quatre autres Compagnies qui y toot 
encore offrent deja cent mille francs, lequels pourront bien leur en or- 
donner la permiffioa; mais pour le moins fera-ce k condition qu'ils ne 
reprefenterontpluaaucunehiftoire modeme, ni ne parleront des chofes 
du temps ^ peine de !a vie. fi j'euffe cru qu'il y eflt-eu de la fuggeftion 
en ce qu'avoient dit les Comfidiens, j'en euffe fait du bruit davantage; 
mais ayant tout fujet d'eftimie rle contraire, j'ai penfS que le meilleur 
£toit de ne point le remuer davantage, & laiffer audit Roi la vi 



6e {on fsiit. Tootefois fi vous jugez de de-la, Monfieur. que je n'en 
aye fait affez, il eft encore temps. " Lettre de M. de la Boderie k M. 
de Puisieux. 8 Avril, 1608, Boderie, Ambassades, iii, 196-8. 

Credit for this document should be given Professor C. W. Wallace, 
who found the original some years ago in Paris. 


"Les V 


tantflt a NoSl, c'ett-a-dire au temps de leurs fStes. La 
Reine fait encore un ballet, & deji I'Ambaffadeur d'Efpagne I'a 6t6 
prier que lui & un AmbaHadeur eitraordinare qui vient, le puffent 
voir, dont j'ai peur qu'elle lui ait donnS qiielque efp&ance. Le Comte 
de SaliTbury eft celui mfime qui m'en a averti. me difant que pour I'lion- 
neur de S. M., & pour I'amitie qu'il me porte, il ne pouvoit voir fe paffer 
teUe chofe fans me le dire, ni fans s'y oppofer autant comme civileraent 
ft prudemment il le pouvoit faire; qu'il ne voyoit point de moyen d'y 
remedier plus facile que le faire prier moi-m§me la Reined'yetreappelW, 
& que fans que je m'en mfilaffe, cet office fi podvoit faire par ma femme, 
ou quelque Dame de mes amies; que fur cela la Reine ne failliroit point 
de lui en parler, & que brs il auroit occafion de lui en dire plus librement 
(on avis; m'affurant que ce feroit, ou i faire que j'y fuffe conviS avec la 
dignity due ^ mon mattre, ou ^ ce que nous n'y fuffions appell^s ni I'un 
nl I'autre, qui eft bien, i mon opinion, le tnieux, qui en puiffe arrivef. 
Je me fuis ftona6 que ladite Reine s'y foit engagfc en quelque forte; 
car il n'y a que huit jours qu'elle mSme parlait avec ma femme dudit 
ballet. Elle lui dit que ledit Ambaffadeur lui avoit envoyS demander 
audience, & que fe doutant que c'etoit pour lui faire tiJlle requfite, elle 
s'etoit excuffe, & qa'elle ne le verroit point, s'il etoit poffible, que ledit 
ballet ne fflt danfe, ajoutant qu'elle ne lui pourroit accorder ce qu'il 
ioi detnanderoit fans fe declarer trop partiale; qu'elle ne I'^toit point, 
ft qu'elle avoit €t& trop marri I'annfe pafffe de ce qui ^toit arrivfi; 
maisque fans confiderer la conf&iuence, elle s'y ^toit trop engagfe 
pour s'en pouvoir dfeiire; que le Roi s'ea Stoit fort courrouci contre 
elle, & qu'elle ne vouloit plus tomber en ce danger. Ma femme touma 
oela en gaufferie, lui difant que ledit Ambaffadeur avoit, celui fembloit, 
alfez fait rire la compagnie I'autre fois par foa beau danfer, tans la 
TOuloir defrayer encore; & qu'elle feroit beaueoup plus pour lui de le 
buffer dormir dans ian lit, que de lui donner occafion de gagner quelque 
catarre. comme il n'y eft auffi bien que trop fujet, La Reine s'en mit S, 
rire, & lui park, toujours de fagon que j'avois fujet de croire qu'on 
toelaifferoit enpaix. N&inmoins me revoici en ces accoutumfes brouil- 
leries 6u fans inentir je me trouve bien empdcb^. Je fuis le Confeil 
dudit Comte, 8c prfifentement ma femme va voir madame la Comteffe 
de Bedfort, qui eft affez de mes amies, & a affez de part avec la Reine, 
pour faire le fufdit office. A fon retour je verrai ce que je m'en devrai 

LS embarraffer 

io6 Court Masques of James I 

promettrei&encorequelelangagedeladiteReine, & la fa( 
parlfi ledit Comte me doivent faire elp^rer qu'il ne £e feri 
pr^udice, fi n'en fuis-je pas C affurfi que ce qui fe paffi 
pretendues dettes, & I'envie qu'ils auront touj'oi 
avec I'Efpagne ne leur en puifCe donner Toccafion. Or comme je ne 
voudrois pas vivre un jour aprfe, fi pour le moins je n'y avois fait tout 
ce qui peut dSpendre d'un bon & courageus ferviteur, je voua lupplie 
tres-humblement, Montieur, roe faire ordonner la raolution que j'y 
devrai prendre; fi arrivaat qu'ils faflent chose en quoi la diEnitfi de 
S. M. foit tant foitpeuoffenffe, je devrai rompre & in'enaUer;oubienfi 
je devrai diffirauler & patienter, attendant quelque nouvel ordre. Je 
ne me d^bfere pas cependant d'en faire grand bruit, ni d'en parler k 
outre qu 'audit Comte de Salifbury, ayant auffi bien reconnu I'annfie 
pafffe trop de foibleffe en ceux qui s'y devroient le plus employer; 
encore que pour le particulier dudit Comte, cette nouvelle alliance du 
Grand Chambellan & de lui, la femme duquel, ou poffible detquels, tire 
penlioa dudit Ambalfadeur, outre celle de fes autrea parens, ne m'en 
donne la conliance (i affurfie, que je prendrois peut-fitre en autre chofe. 
Ce ballet ne fe fera encore de vingt-trois ou vingt-quatre jours. Je vous 
fupplie, que je puiffe fgavoir I'intention de S. M. entre ce & li, me con- 
fervant I'honneur de votre bonne grace auffi entiSre, comme je ferai 

De Londres le 13 December, 1608." 

Boderie to Villeroy in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iv, 104. 


"Les brouiUeries des ballets recommenc«nt. J'en ^cris a M. de 
Villeroy, & le fupplie me faire fcavoir fi j'y devrai &Jater ou non. Je 
vous prie teoir la main que je puiffe gtre inftruit k temps, afin que 
fi'il eft poffible, je ne faille au trop, ni au peu. " Boderie to PaifieuK, 
13 Dec. (0. S. 3), 1608, in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iv, in. 


"Monfieur de la Boderie, je fuis marri que vous vous trouviez en la 
mfime peine que I'aimfie paff^e h I'occafion de ces ballets, dont jk il fe 
munnure par-dela; car teUes rencontres font toujours f4cheufea entre 
Miniftres de Princes amis, mais fur-tout en I'etat oii font k prefent les 
affaires publiquea, & en temps que I'union & bonae intelligence font 
trea-utiles au bien & avancement d'icelles. Nearunoins il y a moins 
de blame de rechercher expedient devant que de s'y engager que s'y 
laiffer furprendre, & poffible embarraffer honteufement, je vous dirai 
que je perfifte en la deliberation que je vous fis fcavoir I'aanfie demiere 
fur femblable fujet; qui eft que fi vous jugez & preffentez qu'en ce fait 
ma dignity & reputation foient intereff^es, vous faffiez entendre k ceux 



I qu'U fera beroin. avoir de tout temps commandement de moi, de r 
revenir trouver plutdt que de fouffrir qu'U foit dirninug chofe aucuno 
du rang qui m'appartient. Et de fait, fi vous reconnoiHez que ioT 
cette declaration, ils ne fe mettent en devoir de vous donner contente- 
ment, vous prendrez coagd du Roi de la Grande Bretagne & fes prind- 
paux Miniftres; laiffant feuleraent votre Secretaire felon qu'il eft 
accoutumfi d'etre pratique, pour me tenir averti des occurrences qui 
concement le public & le bien de rnon fervice en particulier, juCqu'i 
ce que j'en aye autrement ordonn^, Mais je fuis d'avis que, pr&lable- 
ment apr&s la reception da la pr^Cente, vous faiffiez doucement fsavoir 
que vous avez ce commandement: afin de les intimider & convier d'6tre 
plus circonfpects k me rendre ce qui me convient, & que j 'ai toujours 
attendu de la bonne & fratemelle amitifi dudit Roi. Vous prendrea 
done garde qu'il ne te paCfe rien en cette action un dfifavantage de ma 
dignity. Sur quoi je prie Dieu, Monfietir de la Boderie, qu'il vous ait 
en fa fainte garde. Eciit k Paris le 23 Decembiis, 1608. Sigai Henri, 
ft plus bas De Neufville. " de la Bodene, Ambassades, iv, 133-5. 

"mon alarrae de ce certain Ballet s'eft beaucoup diminu& depuis 
que ma femme a revu la Reine. Elle lui a avou6 que I'Ambaffadeur 
d'Efpagne avoit vivement dt6 la prier de convier lui & ledit Don Fernan- 
dez de Girone &. le voir; nmis qu'elle ne le lui avoit nullement accordfi, 
ainsl'avoitdu tout renvoySau Roi: ajoutant qu'elle d^ireroit beaucoup 
piutOt que ce fflt moi qui Je viffe; & que fi je Ten faifois prier par le 
Comte de Salifbury, mais fans qu'il fjut que cela vlnt d'elle, Elle y 
ton effort. " Boderie toPuifieux, a? Dec. (O. S. 17), 1608 in 
la Boderie, Ambassades, iv, 136-7. 


" Seventy thousand crowns have been sent to Flanders at the disposal 
of the Spanish Ambassador here. It is not six months sini,-e he received 
Other hundred and sixty thousand. Almost all this, I am told by those 
who are in a position to know after deducting the Ambassador's salary 
and expenses will go in large pendens to many of the more prominent 
personages of the court including some prominent ministers (compreso 
anco qualahe signore principale) ; a part perhaps will go to Holland. " 
[Correr to the Doge aad Senate, 9 Jan., 1609, Calendar of Stale Papers 
'Venetian, xi, No. 404. 


"Notre Reine doit danCer fon ballet Dimanche mais ce ne doit Stro 
qu'un effai pour un plus grand & fuperbe qu'elle doit faire dedans ce 
Carnaval. II ne Ce danfera qu'en deux lieux, premiSrement k I'aifenal, 



io8 Court Masques of James I 

& apiis au Palais de la Reine Marguerite, car on ne danle plus au Louvre. 
On m'a dit que la Reine a fait prier par madame de Sully Madame 
L'Ambafradrice d'Angleterre de voir ledit ballet h I'Arfenal, 6u Ton 
parle de femoudre encore (on man & rnSme rAmbatfadeur de Veiiife. 
Le Roi s'y trouva. Nous avons opinion que la Reine Marguerite priera 
le Nonce, Don Pedro de Toledo, & I'AmbaUadeur de Flandre avec fa 
femme, 6u S. N. pourra auffi bien fe refoudre d'aller. apres qu'eUe aura 
itfii I'arfenal. Ce nefont point leurs Majeftfs qui font cette femonce, 
puifqu'aussi bien on ne danfe point dans leur Palais. L'Ambaffadeur 
d'Angleterre qui fera accompagn^ du Viconjte de Cramboum en aura 
le premier la vue en pr^ence du Roi; & il faudra que les autres veillent 
plus tard pour le voir chez ladite Reine Marguerite. II eft vtai qu'ils 
font priSs & appellfe par une Reine & que les autres ne le font que par 
une autre Reine de moindre quality. Je ne fgais pas encore fi tout le 
myft^repafferaainti; maisj'ai voulu vousenavertirparavance,& vous 
en fgaures la confirmation apiis I'effet. " Villeroy to Boderie, 23 Jan. 
(O. S. 13), 1609. de la Boderie. Ambassades, iv, 196-7. 


Ce mot n'eft, aprfes avoir accuf^ la reception de votre lettre du 22 
du moia palf^ que pour vous donner avis de la bonne part & contente- 
ment qu'a eu I'Ambaffadeur d'Angleterre au ballet de notre Reine, qui 
tut danf^ Dimanche dernier, auquel il fut convifi par le Roi d'Aftifter, 
& fafemme par la Reine. lis eurent leurs places & feAnces derriere les 
chaifes de leurs Majeftfe. Le Roi, outre cela, favorifa d'une autre 
grace particuli&re leur prfitence, qui eft du part de I'ordre de la Jarre. 
tiere, dont ledit Ambaffadeur fe fentit tres-honor^. II itoitfeulAm- 
balfadeurencettecompaenie, quifut lapremiferearArfeoal. Le Nonce 
les Ambaffadeurs d'Efpagne Sc de Venife furent au logis de la Reine 
Marguerite oii ces deus demiers eurent quelques prifes affeB aprfes, pour 
les titres qu'ils fedonnerent, dont le None fut entremetteurA m^diateur. 
Celui d'Ai^leterre fit plufieurs admirations, taut de la gentilletfe du 
ballet que de la magnificence d'icelui ; Sc. il n'aura manque, je m'affure, 
i. en rendre tr&s-boa compte k fon maJtre; ce qui fe doit danfer par- 
del&, ainfi que depuis peu M. Carrew nous a affun^s de nouveau que 
vous y feriez traits & accueilli & votre contentement. J'oubliois & 
vous dire le Vicomte de Cramboum fe trouva aufli audit ballet & quTl 
fortit tres-fatif fait." Puisieuk to Boderie, 6 Feb, (O. S. Jan. 27) , 1608-9, 
in de la Boderie, Ambassades, iv, 211, 2. 


" La Reine n'a encore danfS fon ballet 4 cauie de I'indif position de la 

Reine Marguerite & de M. de Sully, S. M. a fait prier i'Ambaffadrice 

d'Angleterre de le voir h I'Arienal, iu fon man a ^t4 convie auffi par 



M. de Sully avec le Vicomte de Cramboum & fes deux beaiut freres. 
L'onditquece fera pour demain, & ilfembia que la Reine agrande envie 
d'en etre dechargfe. " Villeroy to Boderie, 24 Jan. (O. S. 14) , 1609, in 
de la Boderie, AiubassatUs, iv, 209. 


"Don Ferdinando Giron, Embassador -Extraordinary of Spain and 
Flanders, went to Theobalds, ten miles o£f, on Tuesday, to take his 
leave ot the Kir^. The day following he left London for Flanders. 
Thursday was appointed for the Queen's Masque. The Ambassador 
seeing that the King was determined to invite to witness the dance, the 
French Ambassador who was omitted last year and had orders from his 
Master that if that happened again he was to leave the court at once, 
now undertook to support the pretensions of the Flemish Ambassador 
in-ordinary, who also had been omitted last year. Don Ferdinando 
wasat such pains in the matter that, thanks to the means he can dispose 
of at this court, he succeeded in obtaining a partial satisfaction. When 
the King came to London on Wednesday. Council sat and an invitation 
was issued to the French Ambassador only, to the general surprise as it 
was universally understood that I was to be invited." Correr to the 
Doge and Senate. 13 Feb. (O. S. 3), 1608-9. in Calendar of Slate Papers 
Venetian, xi. No. 439. 

See ibid., xi. No. 443, 20 Feb, (O. S. 10), 1608-9. 

"Avec I'occasion d'un Courier que !e Baron de Breftieux arriv^ icj 
depuis htiit jours, d^6cha h Paris, je vous fais celle-ci qui elt pour 
[gpondre i la v6tre du 24 du paS(6, 8c pour vous dire qu'enfin ropinii- 
tretfi de Don Fernandez de Girone s'eft lailf^ vanicre, avaat depuis le 
retour de fon Courier qui n'a point pafti k Bruielles. parlfi de quitter 
la place. D^s devant hier il fut fe licsnder de la Reine: hier il dit 
adieux au Prince de Galles & au Due d'Yorck: aujourd'hui il eft all6 
voir la Princeffe qui eft k quatre lienes d'id; & Lundi il doit aJler k 
Theobalds oft le Roi fe trouvera fur fon retour pour faire le mfime avec 
hii, & s'en revenir id en r^folution de partir Mercredi pour fon voyage. 
C'eft la vSritfi quil a remuS tout ce qui lui a it^ poffible pour pouvoir 
etre admis k ce certain ballet; & tant qu'il lui en eft reft^, quelque peu 
d'efpois, il a toujours parlS de tenir ferme. Voyant en fin que cela ne 
lui toumoit qu'i moquerie, & que ton ffijour ne fervoit qu'S, retarder le 
plaifir des Dames, il s'eft r^olu de les laiffer danfer: fi bien que Jeudi 
qui eft le jour de leur Chandeleur. ce digne ballet fe fera. oil je ne puis 
TouG direencorefi je feraiappell^ounon: car jen'enai pas dit une parole 
depuis oeque vous avez fgu, me femblant devoit tuffire que ceux qui 
a'y pr^tendoient introduire k raon prejudice en fuffent esclus, & que 

Court Masques of James I 

pour ce qui devroititredemoi, UyavoitplusdedigniMil'attendre qu'a 
k le demander. Toutefois je crois cerlaJnenient qu'Us m'y appeleront, 
quand ce ne feroit que pour ie revencher de ce qui a &t& fait par de1& en 
faveur de lettr AmbaUadeur. que j'ai fait parvenir aux oreilles du Comte 
de Salifbury, mais par autre organe que le mien. Par mes premiferea 
je vousen dirai de vantage." Boderie to Villeroy, 7 Feb. (O.S. l8Jan.). 
1608-9, in de la Boderie, Ambassades. iv, 214-6. 

"Je penfois voub envoyer ceUe-ci par un Courier que le baron de 
Breffieiuc m'avoit dit. il y a trois jours, vouloir dfipficher tout en Mte; 
maia comme il n'eft pas homme 4 un mot, & qu'il y a peut-fitre encore 
quelque poulet k faire oil il oe peut trouver le verbe, i'ai cm ne m'y 
devoir plus attendre, & revenir k notre voie accoutumfie. C'eft mon- 
(ieur, pour vous dire qu' enfin le ballet fut hier danfS, oil non feulement 
nm femme & moi tflmes convifis, mais j'eus Thonneur de fouper avec le 
Roi en compagnie de M. le Prince de GaUes le de M. le Due d'Yorck, 
& ma femme avec Madame la PrinceCte Ledit ballet fut fort riche, & 
s'il m'eft loifible de le dire, plus fuperbe qu' ing^nieux. Des que je 
fus entrfi auprfes du Roi, il me dit que je me fouvinffe de ce qu'il m'avoit 
fait dire par Meffieurs de Lenox & de Salifbury. qui etoit qu'il feroit en 
cette occafion paroStre la difference qu'il faifoit du Roi fon frere 4 tout 
autre Prince, & de moi en particulier k tout ce qu'il y avoit ici d'Ambafla- 
deurs: que j'avois bien t^moignS I'affurance que j'en avois prife, en ce 
que depuis je n'en avois point parM; ce qvti I'obligeoit d'autant plus k 
recorapenfer ma modeftie, qu'il n'avoit voulu yappeller autre que moi, 
ni mfane celui de VeniTe, voulant que chacun reconnfit que, comme il 
etoit vrai en efiet, cette fete ne fe faifoit que pour, moi: fe rejouiffant 
infiniment que les volont^s du Roi Ion fr£re & lea ijennes fe fuffent 
rencontrSes fi confomies qu'en ra6me-temps que S. M. faveroifoit Ton 
Ambaffadeur par-dela, il penfoit k en faire icile mgm eenvere moi: que 
s'il y eflt eu quelque grand intervaUe entre I'une & I'autre de ses faveurs, 
on eSt pu croire qu'il y est de la revencbe; m^s que fi S. M. avoit 6t6 
la premiere en i'effet, il I'avoit ^t^ en la d^libfeation, me jutant que dfea 
qu'il commanda ledit ballet, ce fut en intention de m'en reCerver tout 
I'honneur. Je le remerciai avec toute la r^vSrence qu'il me fut poffible 
lui difant qu'4 la verity la nouvelle que j'en donnerois au Roi Ion bon 
frere, ne lui poiuroit etre que tres-agrSable, non ant pour I'affurance 
qu'il prendroit de-la de t'aflection du Prince du monde dont il a tou- 
jours etd le plus jaloux, que pour I'occafion que ce feroit k toute la 
Chr^tientfi d'en faire le jugement qu'il coavient an bien comraun de 
leurs affaires: que fi j 'avois apportfi quelque vflifcience en cette recher- 
che, & forti peut-6tre de la bienffiance oft ma charge m'obligeoit, je le 
luppliois tres-humblement de m'en exnifer, & confid^rer que I'impn- 



dence de ceux centre qui je combattois en cette occafioa, m'y avoit 
forc^. II m'aCura qu'il connoilfoit, & me t&aoigoa par toutes fortes 
de bonnes paroles & demonftrations de bonne chfere qu'il ^toit trfes- 
fatiffait de moi. Depuis, tant devant qu'aprfis le (ouper, & durant tout 

Ik ballet, 11 m'entretint prefque toujours; & entr' autres difcours, il 
ftaa chargea de remercier S. M. de £a part des faveurs qu'il lui avoit 
4)In faire au Vicomte de Craraboum, ne pouvant Cur cette occafion fe 
^£fer de me dire du bien de fon p&re, & de I'ertime qu'il failoit de lui, 
l&prfe cela, i! me paria du cong^ qu'avoit pris de lui Don Fernandez 
pe Girone, qu'il avoit prefque, me dit-il, fallu chaffer par les epaules; 
•led^fajit qu'il nefgavoitde quel efprit il pouvoit avoir 6t6 mu, enceque 
Be lui ayant jamais demands en toutes ies autres audiences qu'il voulflt 
aider le Roi d'Efpagne k obtenir la trfive pure & limple, il Ten avoit 
vouler prier en partant: qu'il lui avoit montrfi a'Stonner de ce qu'il en 
difoit, & lui avoit rSpondu qu'il ^toit trop tard. & que le Roi fon maltre 
ne pouvoit davantage difiSrer d'accomplir ce qu'il avoit promis dfes le 
commencement, fans fe faire tort. Le Comte de Salifbury ^toit prfifent 
i ce difcours: & i'un & I'autre me tSmoignfettnt reconnoitre une Strange 
(oibleffe & irraolution au confeil & aux affaires d'Efpagne. Avec tout 
cela, fi reconnus-je que la demeure de Don Pedro de Toledo k Paria 
ne leur plait point; car ledit Roi me demanda cinq ou fix fois ce qu'il 
y faifoit, & pourquoi i! y demeuroit fi long temps: fur quoi ce que je 
lui pus dire fut qu'il n'attendoit, k mon avis, finon que le traitfi des 
Pays-Bas fflt fait ou failli, afin de requSrir aux occafions le Roi notre 
inaitre d'y contribuer les of&ces qu'il jugeroit y &tre n&effaires, mais je 
Crois qu'ils Ce doutent qu'il y a quelques pratiques attachfes k la queue 
dudit traits qu'ils voudroient ien qui ne ffit point. Ce qui me plut 
davantage en tout cet entretien, fut que jamais ils ne me dirent un mot 
fur le particulier de leurs dett s, encore qu'il fe paffat forces chofes qui 
lea pouToient faire venir k propos. Je prie Dieu, qu'ils ne s'en fouvien- 
uent jamais plus, & qu'il vous donne monCieur. . . . 
De Londres, le 13 Febrier, 1609." 

Boderie to Villeroy, 13 Feb., 1609 (N. S.), in Boderie, Ambassades, 

P MonCieur, 

Par celle qu'il vous a plu m'&:rire du 6 de ce mois, vous m'avez fait 
n'avertir de I'honneur fait k M Carrew & & Madame fa 
E au ballet de la Reine notre maitrefte. Par le prtteate vous 
jaurez celui que Madame de la Boderie & Moi avous requ en cetui de 
Hier la nuit il fut danfiS, & le jour de devant Don Fernandez 
e CKrone avoit fait voile, apr&s avoir regu I'arrfit que s'il ne hitoit de 
iToit TafTront que j'y ferois appellS a Ca barbe. Comme il 

112 Court Masques of James I 

partoit, on m'y vint convier & ma femme aufQ, tant de la pait du Roi 
de k Grande Bretagne que de celle de la Reine, fans nous parler de 
tuuper; & neanmoins comme doug y fOmes. ledit Roi me fit fouper avec 
lui en compagnie des Princes fes deux fils. & ma femme foupa avec 
Madame la Princetle. Durant le louper, i] me fit une brinde k la 
tantS de S. M, & voulut que je la portaf(e k M. le Prince de Galles, 
& qu'ily tit raifon. An ballat il me fit feoir aupr&s de lui, & ma femme 
au banc pr^par^ proche de-la, 6u ^toient auQi Meffieurs du Coofeil, 
n'ayant pu demeurer pr&s de Madame la PrinceQe pour la grande 
pretfe qui y ^oit. Durant que ledit ballet le dania, il me fit toujours 
I'honneur de m'entretenir; & dans un des intennMes, comme il n'y eo 
eutque trop& d'aifea triltes, la Reine s'approchaauTfitOtde ma (emme, 
& lui fit la mSme faveur. s'appuvant fur elle, & lui (aifant miUe d^moD- 
ftrations de privautS. Ma petite fille m6me eut part en ces caxeiles; 
car le Due d'Yorck ayant ^tS pris a danfer par une des Dames du 
ballet, il vint auTfitAt cherclier madite fille 5u elle 6toit, & I'y mena. 
La Reine avoit d^iiWrt d'en tajre le mfime de moi; mais comme c'eft 
un metier que je n'entens guere & que je ne vonlois faire rire la com- 
pagnie, comme fit I'an paSS6 1'Ambaffadeur d'EIpagne, je la fis prier dfes 
le matin par une Dame de mes amies qui devoit danfer avec elle de He 
m'y point obliger. Du ballet, nous fOmes & la collation; & en tout cela 
& au departir fflmes traitfa avec tant de d&nonftrations de bonne vol- 
ontfi, & avec un applaudiffement fi gSoSral de toua, que S. M. a grande 
occasion d'en etre fatisfaite, & raoi, £i je ne fgavois I'hiftoire de I'Ane 
qui portoit les Reliques, d'en devenir biea glorieux. 

En la faveur que regut I'AmliaUadeur d'Efpagne I'an pa!I€, il n'y 
eut rien de femblable: il ne fut point conviS du Roi & ne Mangea pcnnt 
avec lui, mais en une chambre ou pas un du Confeil £eulement ne 
I'accompagna. Le Roi ni la Reine ne furent jamais vus lui dire un mot 
que le bal dura, & au partir de-lfL, tout cbacun le regardoit de travers. 
J'ai outre tout ced, que je fus incontinent aprfes convi^ i un autre ballet 
avec toutes les meilleurs fatistactxons qu'on me put donner; & de plus 
que ledit Roi & le Comte de Salifbury ont dficlar^ & rendu comme 
public que cette f^te ne fe faifoit principalement que pour ramoor 
de moi, Une feule choCe m'y a. ficM, cfeft que rAmbalfadeur de Venife 
n'en a point 6t6, encore qu'on lui en eut donnS dfis le commencement de 
grandes efperances; ayant fait tomber fur lui les Ambaffadeurs d'Ef- 
pagne & des Archiducs, ce qu'ils Gentilhomme eft infiniment offent^ 
Comme il est que j'Stois priS & qu'il ne I'fitoit point, il s'en voulut eicar- 
moucher, & alia trouver le Comte de Salisbury pour lui en [aire les 
plaintes. La r^onfe fut que ledit ballet n'^toit fait que pour I'Arabaffa- 
deur de France, & qu'il fe devoit contenter que celui de Flandre, qu, 
n'avoit point affift^ k celui de I'an paftS, comme fit fon pr^diceffeuri 
n'^tolt non plus convi^ ^ celui-ci. Cela ne le fatiffait point; de forte 

Appendix 113 

que fi fes maltres le veulent croire, ils ltd donneront bientdt charge 
de faire didder la difpute que ltd veut former TAmbaffadeur de Flandre, 
ou bien de fe retirer; & je crois oertes que fi on en venoit-1^, ces Meffietu^ 
— d fe tiDuveroient bien embarraff^s. 

Tout ceci donne un grand choc par degk k la reputation des Efpagnols, 
mais en m6me temps, il eft furvenu une autre chofe qui, comme bien 
plus importante, ach^era fort de les d^crier, c'eft que TAmbaffadetir 
ayant demi^rement, fur I'occafion de la mort de fa femme, a£fembl6 
dix ou douze tailletirs tous Flamande potir faire fon deuil, ainfi qu'ils 
eurent achev6, & qu'il leur eut fait donner partie de leur payement, 
s'^tant del^b^r^, felon le ftyle du pays, d'en mettre partie en bonne 
ch^re, il leur fit envoyer oertaines confitures pour les r^galer, & trois ou 
quatre bouteilles de vin, dont s*6tant donnas au coeur joie, ils commenc^- 
lent en mdme temps h fe trouver mal & le mattre de tous, oomme celui 
qui en avoit eu meilleure part, au bout de deux hetu^ en rendit Tame, 
le lendemain trois autres, & trois autres encore deptus: le refte eft en 
mauvais ^tat. Toutefois oomme depuis Ton a comme la caufe du mal, 
on leur a donn6 du contrepoifon, & on a opinion qu'ils en pourront 
6chapper. Le murmure en eft fort grand & fort public part oute la 
ville: fi bien que ledit Ambaffadeur, ni auctm des fiens ne s*y prominent 
guere. £t difent les Anglois que s'il y avoit eu parmi lefdits Tailleurs 
quelqu'un de leur nation, ils Tiroient affommer dans fa maifon. Je ne 
f^tirois croire qu'il ait eu part en une grande m^chancet^; mais fi ne 
£e fgauroit-il bonnement laver d'avoir fait provifion de telles drogues. 
C*eft pour la feconde fois, & Dieu nous garde de telles collations. 

J'oubUois h vous dire que la faveur de ce ballet s*entendit tellement 
fur tous les Francois, que le Baron de Breffieux qui fe gouveme trfes- 
bien ici, & parle certes de ce qui Ty a amen6 avec grande d^monftration 
de la r6v6rence qu*il porte a S. M, fut men6 danfer, & mena danfer 
la Reine; comme auffi que le Roi me dit de ltu-m6me, & fans que je 
lui en ouvriffe Toccafion, infinis biens de M. de Soubife, & nommement 
de ce qu'il avoit reconnu 6tant id, qu'il portoit beaucoup de zMe au 
fervice & il la particuli^re perfonne de S. M. Je rens compte k M. de 
Villeroy du refte des dif cours qui fe paff er^nt entre ledit Roi & moi qui 
me gardera d*en faire redite, pour vous baifer les mains, comme 6tant, 
Monfieur, votre trhs htunble & tres-affectionn6 ferviteur. 

De Londres, le 13 Fevrier, 1609." 

Boderie to Ptusieulx in de la Boderie, AmhassadeSy iv, 233. 

"After o' verie heartie comendations unto y°^ verie good Lofp: 
&c : Whereas by vertu of his ma*^f warrant bearing date the 4*^ of March 
1609 yo' Lo'P is required and authorized to iffue fo much of his ma** 
treaftu'e at fuch tymes and by fuch proportions as we fhall reqture 

Court Masques of James I 


under our handes and to Cuch pfons as we shall afligne to receue the 
fame for the defrapng of the charges apptaining to the Queens Ma'? 
MeDte: thefe are therfore verie hartily to prayyo'' good Lo'? that yo° 
would be pleafed to give ower that this gent; M' Inego Johnes may 
receave two hundre' pounds more by way of Impreft towards the 
necelfary pvifions to be made by him for the pformance of that imploy- 
meat. And in the meane tyme we reft as ever 

Yo' good Lo''?' moft affured Loving 
friends to remaine 
as"" of Maye 1610 T Suflolke E Worcefter. 

In Stale Papers Domtstic James I, iiv, No. 74. 

"I was also invited to a masque given by the King and to a jousting 
match; and this will prove of great advantage to the prestige of this 
office, for I had observed that on various occasions neither I nor my 
predecessors were treated with the same punctuality which was observ- 
ed towards France and Spain, and that sometimesit was not enough to 
have endeavoured to secure proper treatment beforehand, for the result 
turned out quite different from what had been agreed on. On this 
occasion when I was told that, at the creation of the Prince, the Ambas- 
sador of Spain was to have a box and the Ambassador of the States 
another, I, suspecting some injury, showed surprise that we were not 
put, all three together, close to the King, or at least in the same box; 
in a cautious yet firm manner I let it be understood that if I were not 
treated In the fashion followed by all other courts and as became the 
dignity of the Republic which is Sovereign over kingdoms and mighty 
in every aspect, either I would not be present at all, or if I did come I 
would leave at once. I touched on certain variations which had been 
introduced at the Court, In this I found considerable help from the 
private complaints which I had made in the course of conversation with 
gentlemen intimate with the King, for his Majesty gave orders that I 
was to be entirely satisfied on this point. The Lords of the Council 
accordingly sent to me the Master of the Ceremonies and another 
gentleman, who informed me that the variation had taken place owing 
to the incompatibiUty of Spain with the United Provinces. They 
begged me not to raise difficulties, for they would be compelled either to 
offend Spain or injure the prestige of the other. They sent me a plan 
of the place and of the boxes which are to be equal to and in proportion 
to the royal baldachino, and they assured me on their honour that they 
would treat me in such a fashion that I should be completely satisfied, 
I, knowing the Kirk's difficulties and being unwiUing to seem little 
solicitous for the prestige of the United Provinces, showed that I fully 
grasped their arrangement and that I had no desire to doubt their 

Appendix 115 

prudence and sinoerity, upon which I threw myself, in the conviction 
that all their promises would be faithfully kept. Both the King and 
Council were highly pleased with my answer, and without any further 
pressure they have omitted nothing that could conduce to my honour. 
On the first day the Ambassador of the States arrived before I did and 
they engaged him in a place apart ; after the Spanish Ambassador and I 
were settled with all our suites in our respective boxes, which were exactly 
alike in size and decoration, they introduced the Dutch Ambassador into 
mine, with only two persons in attendance. Yesterday after the Spanish 
Ambassador and I had been for some time with the King and other 
gentlemen, we were conducted to our boxes in the ball-room and these 
boxes were again exactly alike, while the Dutch Ambassador was ac- 
commodated with a box a little lower than mine and beside it. To-day at 
the joust, we two had places apart in advance of the royal seats, while 
the Dutch Ambassador had a place behind them." Marc' Antonio 
Correr, Venetian Ambassador in England to the Dog? and Senate, i6 
(O. S. 6) Jime, 1610 in Calendar State Papers Venetian, xi. No. 945. 


''James by the grace of god king of England ff ranee and Ireland 
defendo' of the faith &c. To the Trer and Undertrer of o' Excheqr 
greeting. Whereas the Queene our deareft wife hath refolued for our 
greater honour and contentement to make vs a mafke fhortly attended by 
moft of the greatest Ladyes of the kingdome fforasmuch as fhee is 
pleaf ed that the Earle of Suffolk chamberlayne of our houf es and the 
Earle of Worcester Maf ter of o' horfe fhall take f ome paines to look into 
the omptions and provifions of all things neceffarie for the fame Wee 
doe hereby require and authorize you to yff ue f o much of our treaf ure 
at fuch tymes and by fuch porcons as they fhall require vnder their 
hands and to fuch perf ons as they fhall af signe to receaue the fame for 
doing whereof this fhalbe yo' fufl&dent warrant and difcharge. Given 
vnder o' priuy feale at o' Pallace of Westm' the fourth day of March 
in the feaventh yeare of o' raigne of England ffrance and Irelande 
and of Scotland the three and fortith. " Exchequer of Receipt, Warrants 
for Issue, Btmdle, 141. 


"On Tuesday the Prince gave his Masque which was very beautiful 
throughout, very decorative, but most remarkable for the grace of the 
Prince's every movement. 

The King was pleased that the Spanish Ambassador and I should 
be present. The Ambassador of the United Provinces was also invited* 
but perhaps by agreement he feigned displeasure, as he is accustomed 
to find himself with the Ambassador of his Catholic Majesty, to whom 

Court Masques of James \ 

it is unpleasant that by this title of Ambassador other Sovereigns should 
authenticate the indepeodence of those states. The Queen next whom 
I sat said that on Sunday next she intended to give her Masque, and she 
hoped the King would invite me to it. She then said some words in 
Enghsh to the Earl of Salisbury, from which I gathered that they are 
notpleasedatM.dcLaverdin's delay which looked as though he had not 
understood the honour done him by the King and the Prince. " Correr 
to the Doge and Senate, 14 January (O. S. 4).in CaUndar 0} StaU Paptrs 
Venetian, xii, No. 159. 


"Pendant cette p&iode d'agitation, int^eure, Marie de Medicis 
s'etait rapprochSe de TEspagne. Au commencement de 1611 EUe avail 
dite ^ Madrid que volontiers EUe entendrait reparler des manages 
pourvu que Louis XIII, obtint la main de I'aiofie des infantes et que 
lee deux couronnes eoncluBsent une ligue d^feasire. L'idfe de cettc 
ligue 6tait de Villeroy qui voulait fitre sur de Philippe III contre te 
mScontentement possible des puissances protestantes. La cour d'- 
Espagne accepta les deux conditions. Des articles prgliminaires signfe 
& Foutainebleau par Villeroy et don laigo de Cardenas, Ambassadeur 
d'Espa|;oe rfeglaient la question dea mantles au gt& de Marie (30 Avril 
161 1 ) Lc meme jour, et dana le meme Heu, fut siea^ entre les deux 
rois un traits d'alliance defensive par lequel ils se promettaient de £6 
secourir ' mutuellement contre ceux qui intreprendroient quelque chose ' 
contre eux et leurs dtats de mfime que contre ceux qui Se revolteroient 
contre leur autoritfi. ' " Ernest Lavisse, Histoire de France, Tome 
sixieme, ii, par Jean H. Mariejol, 153-4. 


"Pour ne pas irriter les huguenots qui ^lisaient en ce moment 1'- 
Assemblfc de Soumur, les nSgodations avoient €^ tenues secretes. 
Mais quand Marie crut n'avoir plus rien 4 crandre d'eux, elle annonja 
I'accord franco -espagnol dans un conseil ftu elle r^unit les ministres eit 
les grands {a6 Janvier 1612)." Ibid., Lavisse, 154. 

"Marie triomphait. Auasi passa-t-elle gaiement le camaval et le 
car^mede 1612. Tons lesdimanches def^vrier elle fit danserun ballet 
au Louvre par les dues de Vendflme et de Chevreuse et Bassompiere. 
Les fetes qu'elle donna. Place Royale, & I'occasion des finaneailles, furent 
c^Mbrfes pour leur magnificence. Elles durerent trois jours (5, 6 et 7 
avril). Le jeudi. it trois heures d'aprfes — midi, devant la Reine, les 
priaceSses et les dames assises 'aut echafauds et sous les yeux de deux 
cent mille spectateurs d^filferent vingt-qiiatre trompettes, douze tam- 
bours k cfaeval, cinq gafets avec arcs et flfeches. et deux machines, I'une 
'fait[e| en rocher et couvertEe] d'arbriaseaux ' plus les dues de Guise et 

Appendix 117 

de Neveis, et les autres 'chevaliers de la gloire' et 'soustenans du 
chftteau de la F41icit6* habilles de broderie d*or et d'aigent, portant 
lanses Standards rouges. ' ' Ibid, , 1 54-5. 

"Venaient ensuite dix compagnies d'assaillants, mene^ par Conti, 
Vendome, etc., et snivies d*une troupe bigarre^: ^cuyers, musiques, 
chevaux dard^s, rois captifo, deux 616phants, deux 'reinocerot' (rhino- 
ceros), un chariot tratn6 par des cerfs et nombre de machines. 

Des sibylles parurent, chantant des vers que Malherbe avait compost 
k la gloire de la R^ente. 

La calvalcade finie 'les tenants ooururent contre les assaillants' 
A la nuit, apr^ une sonnerie de trompettes, tambours et clairons le 
feu fut mis au chateau de la Felicity *plein d'artifioe* et tandis qu'il 
brAlait *on voyoit changer plusieurs sortes de figures tout en feu. * 

Le vendredi, nouveau d6fil6. Comme tout le peuple de Paris n' 
avoit pu voir cette fSte, la brillante cavalcade se promena par les rues, 
sur la rive droite et la rive gauche, jusqu'au Pont-neuf 6u elle se dispersa. 
Le Samedi vn courut la bague. La soir, feu d'artifice, salve de deux 
cents coups de canon, grand feu de joie devant 1' Hotel de Ville et illu- 
mination de Paris avec 'lantemes faites en papier de couleur en si 
grande quantity et k chaque fenestre que toute la ville sembloit estre en 
feur" Ibid. 


"A Description of the Sea-fiights and Fireworks with other Royal 
occurrences which were accomplished at the Princely celebration 
[marriage of Princess Elizabeth] I did not write nor publish this descrip- 
tion of Fire and Water Triumphs to the intent that they should onely 
reade the relation that were spectators of them; for to such persons it 
will relish somewhat tedious, like a tale that is too often told, but I 
did write these things, that those who are farre remoted, not onely in 
his Majestie's dominions but also in forraine territories, may have 
an understanding of the glorious pomp and magnificent dominion of our 
high and mighty monarch King James; and further to demonstrate the 
skills and knowledges that our warlike nation hath in engines, fire-workes 
and other military discipline, that thereby may be knowne, that how- 
soever warre seemes to Sleepe yet (upon any lawful groimd or occasion) 
the command of our dread Soveraigne can rouse her to the terrour of 
all malignant opposers of his Royall state and dignity.** By John 
Taylor the water poet in John Nichols, The Royal Progresses of James J, 
ii, 527-8. 


"The Memorable Masque of the Two Honourable Hovses or Lines of 
Court; the Middle Temple, and Lyncolnes Inne. 

ii8 Court Masques of James I 

Ae it was Perfonned Before the King, at White-hall on Shroue-Mun- 
(lay at night: being the 15. of Pebr. 1613. 

At the Princely Celebration of the Moft royall Nuptials of the Palf- 
graue, and his thrice gratious Princeffe Elizabeth, etc. 

With a defcription of tbeir whole fbow. in the manner of their match 
on horie-backe to the Court, from the Matter of the Rolls his houfe; 
with all their right Noble conforls, and moft 

fhowfull attendants. 
Inuented, and fafhioned, with the ground, and fpecial ftructure of the 
whole worke; 

By our Eingdonis moft Artfull and Ingenus 

Architect Innigo Jones. 

Supplied, Applied, Digefted, and written 

By Geo. Chapman. 


At London. 
Printed by F. K. for George Norton, and are to be fold 
at his fhop neere Temple-barre. 

At the houfe of the moft wortheUe honour'd prefeirer and graces of all 
honourable Actions, the vertues, (Sir Edward Philips Knight, Maft«r 
of the Rolls) all the Performers and their affiatents made their Rendes- 
vous, prepar'd to their performance, and thus fet forth. 

Fiftie Gentlemen, richly attirde. and as gallantly mounted, with 
Foot-men particularly attending, made the noble vant-guarde of the 
nuptiall forces. Next (a £t dif tance obCerued betweene them) marcht a 
mock-Mafque of Baboons, attired like fantaftical Trauailers, in Neapoli- 
tanefutes, and great ruffes, all horft with Affes; and dwarfePalfries, with 
yellow foot-cloathes, and cafting Cockle-demois about, in courtefie, 
by way of larges. Torches bome on either hand of them; lighting 
their ttate as ridiculouflie, as the reft Nobly. After them was forted two 
Carres Triumphall, adorned with great maske-heads, feftones, fcrouJes* 
and antick leaues, euery part inricht with filuer and golde. Thefe 
were through varied with different inuention, and in them adtianc't, 
the choice mulitionsof our Kingdome, fixe in each; attir'd like Virginean 
Priefts, by whom the Sun is there ador'd; and therefore called the Phoe- 
bodes. Their Robes were tudct vp before; ftrange Hoods of feathers, 
and fcallops about their neckes, and on their heads turbants, ftucke 
with feueraU colour'd feathers fpotted with wings of flies, of extraordi- 
nary bigneCte; like thofe of their countrie: and about them march't 
two ranks of Torches. Then rode the chiefs Maskers, in Indian habits, 
all of a refemblance; the ground cloath of filuer, richly embroidered 
with golden Sunnes, & about euery Sunne, ran a traile of gold, imitating 




Indian worke; their bafes of the fame ftufFe and worke. but betwixt 
euery pane of embroidery, went a rowe of white e(tridge feathers, ming- 
led with fprigs of golde plate; voder their breafts they wore bawdricks 
of golde, embroidered high with purle; and about their neckes Ruffles 
of feathers, fpangkd with pearle and filuer. On their heads high 
tprig'd-feathers, compaft in Coronets, like the Virginian Princes they 
prefented: Betwixt euery fet of feathers, and about their browes, in 
the onder-part of their Coronets, fhin'd Sunnes of golde plate, (priakled 
with pearle: from whence fprung rayes of the like plate, that njiitinE 
with the motion of the feathers, fhew'd exceedingly delightfull and 
graeioiis. Their legges were adom'd with clofe long white filke ftock- 
ings: curiously embroidered with golde to the middle-legge. The 
King being come forth, the Maskers afcended vnfeene to their fcene. 
Then for the works — 

Firft there appear'd at the louer end of the Hall, an artificiall Rock, 
whofe top was neere as high as the hall it felfe. ... All this Rocke 
grew by degrees vp into a gold colour; & was run quite through, with 
veinesof golde: . . . 

At the finging of the firft Song, full, which was fung by the Virginian 

Priefts; called the Phoebodes, to fixe Lutes (being vfed as an Orphean 

vertue, for the ftate of the Mines opening): the vpper part of the rock 

_ was fodainlv turn'd to a Clcmde, discouering a rich and refulgent Mine 

Lcf golde; in which the twelue Maskers were triumphantly feated; . . . 

B In which Ifland IPoeana] (being yet in command of the Virginian 

■continent.) A troupe of the nobleft Virginians inhabiting, attended 

hether the God of Riches, all triumphantly fhyning in a Mine of gould. 

Forbearing of the moft royal folemnity. of thefe facred Nuptialls; they 

croft the Ocean in their honor; and are here arriu'd. " 

"on monday night was the middle temple and Lincolas ynne mafke 
presented in the hall at Court wheras the Lords was in the banketting 
roome, yt went from the Rolles all vp fleet-ftreet and the ftrand and 
made fuch a gallant and glorious Ihew that yt is highly commended, they 
had forty gentlemen of best choife owt of both hoiifes rode before them 
in theyre best array vpon the ks horfes; and the twelue Mafkers w^l" 
theyre torch-bearers and pages rode likewife vpon horfes excedingly 
well trapped and furnished, betides a doufen litle boyes drest like 
babones that ferued for an antitnafke (and they fay performed yt 
esceedingly well when they came to yt), and three open chariots drawn 
wth foure horfes apeece that caried theyre muficians and other per- 
fonages that had parts to fpeake, all wch together wih theyre tmmpetters 
and otlier attendants were fo well fet out, that yt is generally held tor 

120 Court Masques of James I 

the best rhew that hath been (een many a day. the king ftoode in the 
gallerie to behold them and make them ride about the tilt-yard and then 
were receued into (t James Park and went all along the galleries into 
the hall, where themfelues and theyre deuifes (w*^ (ay were excellent) 
made fuch a glittering Chew that the king and all the companie were 
excedingly pleafed and fpeciaUy wth theyre dauncing., wch was beyond 
all that hath been yet. the kii^ made the Mafkerskifse his hand at part- 
ing and gaue them many thanckes. faying he neuer law [o many proper 
men together, and himfelf accompanied them at the banket, and tooke 
care yt fhold be well ordered and fpeakes and ftrokes thanks to the 
mafter of the rolles and Dicke Martin who were the chiefe dooers and 
vndertakers." John Chamberlain to M"^ Carleton, I8 February, 
i6i3— 3, in Slate Papers Domestic James I, Isxii, No. 30. 


"The is"" of Feb^ following I was sent by the Lord Chamberlaiae 
(Earl ot Suffolke) from his Majesty to the Arch-Dukes Arabafsador, 
Monsieur de Baiscot. with the formal invitation to the manage of the 
Piincefse that his Majefty (who desireth to perfonne all things with 
conveniency) having invited the french Ambafsador, & the Venetian, 
to afsist at the first dayea solemnity, requested him to honour the second, 
or third dayes, either dinner, or supper, or both, with his presence. 
After some time of pause, his first queftion was {with a troubled counte- 
nance) whether the Spanish Ambafsador were invited? I answered 
(answerable to my instructions in case of such demand) that he was sick, 
& could not be there: he was yesterday (quoth he) so welJ. as that the 
offer might have very we!! been made him & perhaps accepted. To 
this I replyed that his Majestic having observed that the french and 
Venetian AmbaCsadors holding between them one course of correspon- 
dence, & the Spanish and Arch-Ehikes another, their invitations had 
been usually joynt. This he denied (saying) the French had been 
sundry times invited to Masques &c. & not the Venetian, the Venetian 
and not the French, the Spaniard the like: but He the Arch-Dukes 
Ambaf:" never; that for his owne particular Person (as he was Bois- 
cot) he should think himselfe honoured to be called by his Majesty 
upon any termes were it to Cerve up a Difh to the Princetfes Table; 
but as he was the reprefentant of fo great a Prince, as the Arch-Dukes 
(one who would never allow (he layd) fo much as a queftion or thought 
of competition betweene him, a Monarchal! Soveraigne, and a mean 
Repul lique, governed by a fort of Burghers, who had but an handful 
of territory in comparifon of his mafter; and (as would be averred, lie 
fayd, by ancient proofes, had ever yielded precedence to the Ardi- 
Dukes Pfedeceffors, when they were but Dukes of Buigundie) lie could 
not be present at the Solemnity. That further hee knew not wherein 

Appendix 121 

he had deferved fo ill of his Majefty, as not to have received any coun- 
tenance or favour in all the time of his refiding here, and the Venetian 
(as he himfelfe had bragged) many; that for thefe, and the like confident- 
tions, he would never be received to a fecbnd place, or day, after one 
that fhould have the firft beftowed on him fo unworthily. " Sir John 
FineWs observations, Lord Chamberlain's Office, Class Miscellaneous $, 
No. page I f . 


"Or quant au fait prdfent touchant I'Ambaffadeur de Venife fa 
Majefte fait fcavoir au dit Ambaffadeur des Archducs qu'ayant le dit 
Ambaffadeur de Venife quatorze 6u quinze joins anant le iour des 
noces fait entendre a fa Majefte qu'il auoit ordre de par la dicte RepubH- 
que de congratuler aux dictes noces qu'il d^iroit faire ceft' office le 
jour mefme d'icelles, & d'autant que pour donner meilleure grace, et 
manifeftation plus ouverte que porte la dicte, Republique a fa Majefte, 
on luy auoit ordonn6 frays pour la pompe, et liur^es a fes gens aux 
despens publics (bonneur quQ fa Majefte n'auoit reQu de nul autre 
Prince, et qui eft bien extraordinarie et plus de cof tume entre les Princes) 
fa Majefte auoit toute raifon de rendre k la dicte Republique la pareille 
de rhonneur qui par demonftration fi fignale^ elle luy fairoit. " King 
James to Boiscot, John Finett, Finetti Philoxenis (1656), 4-7. 


" Neither was the wife of the French Amb 5 cleere c f these disputes, for 
when I had ushered her up amongst the countefses, & left her there 
to the ranging of the Lord Chamberlaine, he ordered she should be 
placed at the Table next beneath the Coimtefses, & above the Baronef ses ; 
but the Viscotmtefse of effingham standing to her woman's right, & 
pofsest already of her proper place (as she called it) would not move 
lower so held the hand of the Ambafsatrice, till after dinner the Ambaf- 
sador her husband informed of the difference, and opposition, tooke it 
for an indignity, and calling for his wives Coach, that by her departure 
it might be seen he was sensible, she was by others persuasions stayed, 
& was at Supper placed beneath the Countefse of Kildare, and above 
the Viscountefse of Haddington who made no scruple of it, the Lady 
of effingham in the interim forbearing (with rather too much than too 
little stomach) both her supper & the company. " Ibid. 


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